Burma dissident groups yesterday called on the ruling junta to stop using violence against ethnic minorities, warning that its current policy will lead to more human rights violations and refugees.
The regime recently stepped up its decades-long campaign against minority groups, with offensives against ethnic Chinese rebels in the northeast in August and Christian Karen insurgents near the Thai border in June.
Analysts say the junta wants to crush such groups before the 2010 elections.
"We oppose the military regime's use of violence against ethnic nationalities,"said a joint statement by the All Burma Monks' Alliance, the All Burma Federation of Student Unions and the 88 Generation Students.
The statement, released via the Washington-based US Campaign for Burma, also accused the regime of using the "showcase" elections to forcibly enact a controversial new constitution that was pushed through by a referendum in 2008. The statement said the constitution "fails to guarantee the fundamental rights of ethnic nationalities and equality among all".
Last month's fighting with the ethnic Chinese Kokang rebels showed the junta had "unilaterally abolished" its ceasefire agreement with ethnic groups, which had lasted more than 20 years, the statement said.
Tuesday, September 22, 2009
Tycoon Bakrie has plan for presidency
Indonesian tycoon Aburizal Bakrie, who wants to run for president in 2014, believes that better infrastructure is more likely to attract foreign investors to Southeast Asia's biggest economy than fighting corruption.
Mr Bakrie, who is chief social minister in President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's government, is a member of the Golkar Party, the political machine which dominated parliament for decades under former president Suharto but which has lost much of its support in Indonesia's post-Suharto democracy.
Mr Bakrie, whose family controls coalminer Bumi Resources, plantations,property, and telecoms firms, is regarded as a holdover from the Suharto era. He is an opponent of Sri Mulyani Indrawati,the finance minister, who has promoted reform and the fight against graft.
Mr Bakrie also owns infrastructure businesses such as toll roads.
"What they [investors] want is infrastructure," followed by less red tape and more transparency," he said.
"During the Suharto era, total investment per year was much more than now, and at that time the corruption was a lot compared to now, yet they [foreigners] invested."
Foreign investors often cite corruption,bureaucracy, an unpredictable legal system and poor infrastructure as deterrents to investment, and many have welcomed progress so far in tackling graft.
Mr Bakrie said he expects to win next month's contest for the leadership of Golkar, defeating rivals Surya Paloh, a media magnate from Aceh, and Tommy Suharto, ex-president Suharto's wealthy youngest son who spent time in prison for ordering the murder of a judge.
But he does not want to be in the next cabinet or join Mr Yudhoyono's coalition for the next five-year term.
Golkar, which typically won 70-80%of the votes during president Suharto's rule, only got about 14% in the parliamentary elections in April. Mr Yudhoyono's Democrat Party will form the new government next month.
Mr Bakrie, who is chief social minister in President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's government, is a member of the Golkar Party, the political machine which dominated parliament for decades under former president Suharto but which has lost much of its support in Indonesia's post-Suharto democracy.
Mr Bakrie, whose family controls coalminer Bumi Resources, plantations,property, and telecoms firms, is regarded as a holdover from the Suharto era. He is an opponent of Sri Mulyani Indrawati,the finance minister, who has promoted reform and the fight against graft.
Mr Bakrie also owns infrastructure businesses such as toll roads.
"What they [investors] want is infrastructure," followed by less red tape and more transparency," he said.
"During the Suharto era, total investment per year was much more than now, and at that time the corruption was a lot compared to now, yet they [foreigners] invested."
Foreign investors often cite corruption,bureaucracy, an unpredictable legal system and poor infrastructure as deterrents to investment, and many have welcomed progress so far in tackling graft.
Mr Bakrie said he expects to win next month's contest for the leadership of Golkar, defeating rivals Surya Paloh, a media magnate from Aceh, and Tommy Suharto, ex-president Suharto's wealthy youngest son who spent time in prison for ordering the murder of a judge.
But he does not want to be in the next cabinet or join Mr Yudhoyono's coalition for the next five-year term.
Golkar, which typically won 70-80%of the votes during president Suharto's rule, only got about 14% in the parliamentary elections in April. Mr Yudhoyono's Democrat Party will form the new government next month.
Roxas aligns himself behind Aquino's bid for president
A Philippine opposition senator formally agreed yesterday to be the running mate of the son of late leader Corazon Aquino in next year's presidential election.
Senator Benigno "Noynoy" Aquino III declared his candidacy two weeks ago, saying he will run for president to continue the legacy of his mother, a democracy icon for standing up to dictator Ferdinand Marcos.
At a gathering yesterday of Liberal Party members and allies, Mr Aquino thanked Manuel "Mar" Roxas II, the party president, for foregoing his own presidential bid to be his running mate.
Both men come from wealthy clans with a long history in Philippine politics.
Mr Roxas is a former trade secretary,a US-trained economist and grandson of late Philippines president Manuel Roxas.
"I wholeheartedly accept the responsibility of being Noynoy's partner in his fight for change," Mr Roxas told a cheering crowd."Thank you for the privilege of joining you and all our countrymen in the fight for decency and integrity in public service."
President Gloria Arroyo, who lost the support of the Aquinos and former cabinet officials like Mr Roxas over charges of corruption and election fraud, is scheduled to step down after serving more than nine years in June 2010. She is not allowed to run for re-election.
The massive outpouring of sympathy for Corazon Aquino after her death from colon cancer last month prompted supporters of her son to urge Noynoy to run for president in the May 2010 election.
Despite a patchy record during her six years in office, Corazon Aquino remains a well-loved figure and is credited with restoring democratic institutions after Marcos'20 years of dictatorship.She became a focal point for opposition to Marcos after her husband, Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino Jr, was assassinated after returning from exile in 1983.Military kills Abu Sayyaf rebels
The Philippine military killed up to 17 Islamist extremists as it over-ran one of their main strongholds in the south of the country, a general said yesterday.
Following ground and air assaults,the soldiers took control of the Abu Sayyaf group's biggest camp on the island of Jolo on Sunday, said Major General Benjamin Dolorfino, head of military forces in the south.
The military recovered the bodies of two Abu Sayyaf fighters, according to Gen Dolorfino. But intelligence reports suggest 17 rebel deaths, he added.
"This is very significant, because this is their main sanctuary. This is the main stronghold of the Abu Sayyaf [on Jolo],"Gen Dolorfino said."We will build a detachment there so that their world will get even smaller."
Senator Benigno "Noynoy" Aquino III declared his candidacy two weeks ago, saying he will run for president to continue the legacy of his mother, a democracy icon for standing up to dictator Ferdinand Marcos.
At a gathering yesterday of Liberal Party members and allies, Mr Aquino thanked Manuel "Mar" Roxas II, the party president, for foregoing his own presidential bid to be his running mate.
Both men come from wealthy clans with a long history in Philippine politics.
Mr Roxas is a former trade secretary,a US-trained economist and grandson of late Philippines president Manuel Roxas.
"I wholeheartedly accept the responsibility of being Noynoy's partner in his fight for change," Mr Roxas told a cheering crowd."Thank you for the privilege of joining you and all our countrymen in the fight for decency and integrity in public service."
President Gloria Arroyo, who lost the support of the Aquinos and former cabinet officials like Mr Roxas over charges of corruption and election fraud, is scheduled to step down after serving more than nine years in June 2010. She is not allowed to run for re-election.
The massive outpouring of sympathy for Corazon Aquino after her death from colon cancer last month prompted supporters of her son to urge Noynoy to run for president in the May 2010 election.
Despite a patchy record during her six years in office, Corazon Aquino remains a well-loved figure and is credited with restoring democratic institutions after Marcos'20 years of dictatorship.She became a focal point for opposition to Marcos after her husband, Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino Jr, was assassinated after returning from exile in 1983.Military kills Abu Sayyaf rebels
The Philippine military killed up to 17 Islamist extremists as it over-ran one of their main strongholds in the south of the country, a general said yesterday.
Following ground and air assaults,the soldiers took control of the Abu Sayyaf group's biggest camp on the island of Jolo on Sunday, said Major General Benjamin Dolorfino, head of military forces in the south.
The military recovered the bodies of two Abu Sayyaf fighters, according to Gen Dolorfino. But intelligence reports suggest 17 rebel deaths, he added.
"This is very significant, because this is their main sanctuary. This is the main stronghold of the Abu Sayyaf [on Jolo],"Gen Dolorfino said."We will build a detachment there so that their world will get even smaller."
Monks "still incur wrath of military"
Burma's Buddhist monks face continuing intimidation, repression and incur severe jail sentences two years after the junta's crackdown on antigovernment protests, Human Rights Watch said yesterday.
The group said about 240 monks were serving tough prison terms, while thousands have been disrobed or live under "constant surveillance" following their leading role in the 2007 demonstrations.
The protests began as small rallies against the rising cost of living but escalated into huge demonstrations led by crowds of monks that posed the biggest challenge to junta rule in nearly two decades. This new report said the potential for a repeat of the protests is "very real" if the international community does not put pressure on the regime to enact credible political reform ahead of elections planned for 2010.
It details the arrest, beating and detention of individual monks after the 2007 uprising, in which at least 31 people were killed as security forces cracked down on protesters.
The junta has since closed down health and social service programmes run by local monastic groups across the country and intensified surveillance of monasteries, according to the report.
It said many monks, who also face repression for their important social service role after the devastation of Cyclone Nargis in 2008, have left their monasteries and returned to their villages or sought refuge abroad.
"The stories told by monks are sad and disturbing, but they exemplify the behaviour of Burma's military government as it clings to power through violence, fear, and repression," said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch.
"The monks retain a great deal of moral authority, making principled stands by monks very dangerous for a government that doesn't."
Meanwhile the rights group accused the junta of using Buddhism as a tool to gain political legitimacy - for example by lavishing gifts on selected senior monks and monasteries.
"It would not be surprising to see monks on the streets again if social grievances are not addressed," Mr Adams added.
The group said about 240 monks were serving tough prison terms, while thousands have been disrobed or live under "constant surveillance" following their leading role in the 2007 demonstrations.
The protests began as small rallies against the rising cost of living but escalated into huge demonstrations led by crowds of monks that posed the biggest challenge to junta rule in nearly two decades. This new report said the potential for a repeat of the protests is "very real" if the international community does not put pressure on the regime to enact credible political reform ahead of elections planned for 2010.
It details the arrest, beating and detention of individual monks after the 2007 uprising, in which at least 31 people were killed as security forces cracked down on protesters.
The junta has since closed down health and social service programmes run by local monastic groups across the country and intensified surveillance of monasteries, according to the report.
It said many monks, who also face repression for their important social service role after the devastation of Cyclone Nargis in 2008, have left their monasteries and returned to their villages or sought refuge abroad.
"The stories told by monks are sad and disturbing, but they exemplify the behaviour of Burma's military government as it clings to power through violence, fear, and repression," said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch.
"The monks retain a great deal of moral authority, making principled stands by monks very dangerous for a government that doesn't."
Meanwhile the rights group accused the junta of using Buddhism as a tool to gain political legitimacy - for example by lavishing gifts on selected senior monks and monasteries.
"It would not be surprising to see monks on the streets again if social grievances are not addressed," Mr Adams added.
US fears "war will fail" in Afghanistan
The war against Afghanistan's Taliban is likely to fail without additional forces and a new strategy,the top US and Nato commander said as President Barack Obama faces resistance at home to sending more troops.
Army General Stanley McChrystal, in a confidential assessment, said failure to gain the initiative and reverse "insurgent momentum" in the near term risked an outcome where "defeating the insurgency is no longer possible".
A copy of his 66-page assessment was obtained by the Washington Post and published on its website with some parts removed at the request of the government for security reasons.
Gen McChrystal is expected to ask for a troop increase in the coming weeks to stem gains by a resurgent Taliban.
The assessment stresses the need to engage with the Afghan people using a "new strategy" that requires a "dramatically" different approach to the war.
"Inadequate resources will likely result in failure. However, without a new strategy, the mission should not be resourced," Gen McChrystal is quoted as saying in the report.
Gen McChrystal has already drawn up his request for more troops, which some officials expect will include roughly 30,000 new combat troops and trainers,but he has yet to submit it to Washington for consideration. The Pentagon says it is discussing how he will submit it.
A request for more troops faces resistance from the Democratic Party,which controls Congress, and opinion polls show Americans are turning against the nearly eight-year-old war.
Mr Obama has said that he wanted to wait to determine the proper strategy for US forces in Afghanistan before considering whether more troops should be sent there.
"I just want to make sure that everybody understands that you don't make decisions about resources before you have the strategy ready," he said.
In his assessment, Gen McChrystal painted a grim picture of the war, saying "the overall situation is deteriorating".
He called for a "revolutionary" shift in strategy which puts as much emphasis on gaining the support of Afghans as it does on killing insurgents.
"The objective is the will of the people,our conventional warfare culture is part of the problem, the Afghans must ultimately defeat the insurgency," he wrote.
The war in Afghanistan is now at its deadliest. Gen McChrystal's assessment said militants had control over entire sections of the country, although it was difficult to say how much because of the limited presence of Nato troops.
He also strongly criticised the Afghan government as having lost the faith of the country's people.
"The weakness of state institutions,malign actions of power-brokers, widespread corruption and abuse of power by various officials, and Isaf's own errors,have given Afghans little reason to support their government," Gen McChrystal said, referring to the International Security Assistance Force (Isaf).
Spokesman Lieutenant Colonel Tadd Sholtis said that while the assessment made clear that Gen McChrystal does not believe he can defeat Afghanistan's insurgency without additional troops,he could carry out a mission with different goals if ordered to by Mr Obama.
"The assessment is based on his understanding of the mission ... If there's a change in strategy, then the resources piece changes."
The number of US troops in Afghanistan has almost doubled this year from 32,000 to 62,000 and is expected to grow by another 6,000 by the year's end. There are also 40,000 troops from other nations,mainly Nato allies.
Fifty-eight percent of Americans now oppose the Afghan war while 39% support it, according to a recent CNN/Opinion Research poll.
Mr Obama's critics in Congress,including his 2008 Republican presidential opponent Senator John McCain, have urged the administration to approve the deployment of more troops immediately,saying any delay puts the lives of troops already in Afghanistan at greater risk.
Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell said on Sunday his party would support a troop increase if needed,adding he was troubled by the delay in the decision-making.
"We think the time for decision is now," Mr McConnell said.
Army General Stanley McChrystal, in a confidential assessment, said failure to gain the initiative and reverse "insurgent momentum" in the near term risked an outcome where "defeating the insurgency is no longer possible".
A copy of his 66-page assessment was obtained by the Washington Post and published on its website with some parts removed at the request of the government for security reasons.
Gen McChrystal is expected to ask for a troop increase in the coming weeks to stem gains by a resurgent Taliban.
The assessment stresses the need to engage with the Afghan people using a "new strategy" that requires a "dramatically" different approach to the war.
"Inadequate resources will likely result in failure. However, without a new strategy, the mission should not be resourced," Gen McChrystal is quoted as saying in the report.
Gen McChrystal has already drawn up his request for more troops, which some officials expect will include roughly 30,000 new combat troops and trainers,but he has yet to submit it to Washington for consideration. The Pentagon says it is discussing how he will submit it.
A request for more troops faces resistance from the Democratic Party,which controls Congress, and opinion polls show Americans are turning against the nearly eight-year-old war.
Mr Obama has said that he wanted to wait to determine the proper strategy for US forces in Afghanistan before considering whether more troops should be sent there.
"I just want to make sure that everybody understands that you don't make decisions about resources before you have the strategy ready," he said.
In his assessment, Gen McChrystal painted a grim picture of the war, saying "the overall situation is deteriorating".
He called for a "revolutionary" shift in strategy which puts as much emphasis on gaining the support of Afghans as it does on killing insurgents.
"The objective is the will of the people,our conventional warfare culture is part of the problem, the Afghans must ultimately defeat the insurgency," he wrote.
The war in Afghanistan is now at its deadliest. Gen McChrystal's assessment said militants had control over entire sections of the country, although it was difficult to say how much because of the limited presence of Nato troops.
He also strongly criticised the Afghan government as having lost the faith of the country's people.
"The weakness of state institutions,malign actions of power-brokers, widespread corruption and abuse of power by various officials, and Isaf's own errors,have given Afghans little reason to support their government," Gen McChrystal said, referring to the International Security Assistance Force (Isaf).
Spokesman Lieutenant Colonel Tadd Sholtis said that while the assessment made clear that Gen McChrystal does not believe he can defeat Afghanistan's insurgency without additional troops,he could carry out a mission with different goals if ordered to by Mr Obama.
"The assessment is based on his understanding of the mission ... If there's a change in strategy, then the resources piece changes."
The number of US troops in Afghanistan has almost doubled this year from 32,000 to 62,000 and is expected to grow by another 6,000 by the year's end. There are also 40,000 troops from other nations,mainly Nato allies.
Fifty-eight percent of Americans now oppose the Afghan war while 39% support it, according to a recent CNN/Opinion Research poll.
Mr Obama's critics in Congress,including his 2008 Republican presidential opponent Senator John McCain, have urged the administration to approve the deployment of more troops immediately,saying any delay puts the lives of troops already in Afghanistan at greater risk.
Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell said on Sunday his party would support a troop increase if needed,adding he was troubled by the delay in the decision-making.
"We think the time for decision is now," Mr McConnell said.
Unruffled Angela Merkel stays above election fray
Maybe this is why Chancellor Angela Merkel is so closed. In East Germany she learned for a long time never to show her own opinion.
German Chancellor Angela Merkel,of the Christian Democrats (CDU),at times seems impervious to the fact that an election campaign is going on around her.
Brushing aside criticism from political opponents and even demands within her own party to infuse energy into a lacklustre election campaign, Ms Merkel has retained her presidential calm at the helm of Europe's most populous country and largest economy.
"Volume and insulting other people should not be the measure by which the seriousness of the election campaign should be judged," Ms Merkel said, swatting away the criticisms.
The chancellor's popularity - which far outstrips that of her party - has remained undented by state elections this month in which the CDU suffered serious setbacks.
In a poll conducted by ARD television,57% said they would elect Ms Merkel directly if they could, while only 28%said they would pick SPD candidate Frank-Walter Steinmeier.
The CDU stands to gain 35-37% of the Sept 27 vote, compared to around 23% for the Social Democrats (SPD) according to recent polls.
Ms Merkel's CDU hopes the election will return a sufficient majority to ditch the so-called grand coalition with the SPD, in favour of a new pro-market partnership with the Free Democrats (FDP).
Unostentatious in her sensible trouser suits and no-nonsense fringe, the chancellor's popularity stems from her quiet determination to get on with the job.
"This humble appearance, and the fact that she doesn't stage things, that is her actual staging," said Gerd Langguth,a political scientist and biographer of Angela Merkel. At the same time, Mr Langguth says Ms Merkel's upbringing under a totalitarian East German regime may have taught her to mask her true thoughts."Maybe this is why Merkel is so closed," Mr Langguth said."In East Germany she learned for a long time never to show her own opinion."
Angela Merkel has tried to reveal her personal side, proclaiming a love of the Beatles and Rolling Stones, and telling a German women's magazine that she writes the shopping list for her mediashy husband, quantum chemist Joachim Sauer. The daughter of a protestant priest,Angela was born near Hamburg in 1954,and moved to East Germany with her family at a time when people were fleeing in the opposite direction.
A trained physicist, Ms Merkel did not enter politics until the age of 35,after the fall of the Berlin Wall. Within the CDU she quickly came to the attention of then-chancellor Helmut Kohl.
The remarried, childless protestant from former East Germany stood out in the CDU's conservative, Catholic image of a party dominated by men and firmly rooted in Germany's west.
Nevertheless,"Kohl's girl" first became minister for women and youth, then inherited the environment brief. In 2000 she was elected as the first female leader of the CDU. While Ms Merkel learned her political skills under Mr Kohl, she does not share his sense of historical imperative, Mr Langguth said.
"She is a non-ideological, pragmatic problem solver," Mr Langguth said, adding that pathos was not Ms Merkel's style.
What many see as Chancellor Merkel's pragmatism can also be considered opportunist. Voted in on a tax-cutting agen-da in 2005, Ms Merkel quickly adapted to the limitations of a grand coalition.Her ambitious health reform programme became a messy compromise. But the more concrete decisions of her government include a value-added tax increase,and raising the retirement age to 67.
Internationally, Ms Merkel has gained respect, first capitalising on the 2006 Football World Cup held in Germany,then showing leadership during the country's rotating presidency of the Group of Eight (G8).
More recently, the chancellor stood her ground during thefinancial crisis,rebuffing initial calls from the US and Japan for government bailouts to boost the German economy.
Now the apparent rescue of German carmaker Opel, and two successive quarters of economic growth, allow Ms Merkel to argue that her government has fended off the worst of the economic crisis.
The chancellor's demands for a tightening of international financial markets and her proposed "charter of sustainable growth" should further place her in a lead role at the G20 summit in Pittsburgh, the United States, just days before the German election.
Indeed, the economy forms the lynchpin of Ms Merkel's election pledges,arguing that the need to encourage growth in the wake of the economic crisis aligns the CDU with the FDP's liberal agenda.
"We have the strength," proclaim the CDU's election posters, above a flattering picture of Ms Merkel with a maternal smile.
But while the CDU is relying on the popularity of its leader to bring in the vote, Ms Merkel is also likely to carry the can if her hands-off approach to the election campaign fails to pay off.
In 2005, against the more energetic campaigner Gerhard Schroeder, Ms Merkel allowed a healthy poll lead to slip to almost a dead heat in the final days of the campaign.
German Chancellor Angela Merkel,of the Christian Democrats (CDU),at times seems impervious to the fact that an election campaign is going on around her.
Brushing aside criticism from political opponents and even demands within her own party to infuse energy into a lacklustre election campaign, Ms Merkel has retained her presidential calm at the helm of Europe's most populous country and largest economy.
"Volume and insulting other people should not be the measure by which the seriousness of the election campaign should be judged," Ms Merkel said, swatting away the criticisms.
The chancellor's popularity - which far outstrips that of her party - has remained undented by state elections this month in which the CDU suffered serious setbacks.
In a poll conducted by ARD television,57% said they would elect Ms Merkel directly if they could, while only 28%said they would pick SPD candidate Frank-Walter Steinmeier.
The CDU stands to gain 35-37% of the Sept 27 vote, compared to around 23% for the Social Democrats (SPD) according to recent polls.
Ms Merkel's CDU hopes the election will return a sufficient majority to ditch the so-called grand coalition with the SPD, in favour of a new pro-market partnership with the Free Democrats (FDP).
Unostentatious in her sensible trouser suits and no-nonsense fringe, the chancellor's popularity stems from her quiet determination to get on with the job.
"This humble appearance, and the fact that she doesn't stage things, that is her actual staging," said Gerd Langguth,a political scientist and biographer of Angela Merkel. At the same time, Mr Langguth says Ms Merkel's upbringing under a totalitarian East German regime may have taught her to mask her true thoughts."Maybe this is why Merkel is so closed," Mr Langguth said."In East Germany she learned for a long time never to show her own opinion."
Angela Merkel has tried to reveal her personal side, proclaiming a love of the Beatles and Rolling Stones, and telling a German women's magazine that she writes the shopping list for her mediashy husband, quantum chemist Joachim Sauer. The daughter of a protestant priest,Angela was born near Hamburg in 1954,and moved to East Germany with her family at a time when people were fleeing in the opposite direction.
A trained physicist, Ms Merkel did not enter politics until the age of 35,after the fall of the Berlin Wall. Within the CDU she quickly came to the attention of then-chancellor Helmut Kohl.
The remarried, childless protestant from former East Germany stood out in the CDU's conservative, Catholic image of a party dominated by men and firmly rooted in Germany's west.
Nevertheless,"Kohl's girl" first became minister for women and youth, then inherited the environment brief. In 2000 she was elected as the first female leader of the CDU. While Ms Merkel learned her political skills under Mr Kohl, she does not share his sense of historical imperative, Mr Langguth said.
"She is a non-ideological, pragmatic problem solver," Mr Langguth said, adding that pathos was not Ms Merkel's style.
What many see as Chancellor Merkel's pragmatism can also be considered opportunist. Voted in on a tax-cutting agen-da in 2005, Ms Merkel quickly adapted to the limitations of a grand coalition.Her ambitious health reform programme became a messy compromise. But the more concrete decisions of her government include a value-added tax increase,and raising the retirement age to 67.
Internationally, Ms Merkel has gained respect, first capitalising on the 2006 Football World Cup held in Germany,then showing leadership during the country's rotating presidency of the Group of Eight (G8).
More recently, the chancellor stood her ground during thefinancial crisis,rebuffing initial calls from the US and Japan for government bailouts to boost the German economy.
Now the apparent rescue of German carmaker Opel, and two successive quarters of economic growth, allow Ms Merkel to argue that her government has fended off the worst of the economic crisis.
The chancellor's demands for a tightening of international financial markets and her proposed "charter of sustainable growth" should further place her in a lead role at the G20 summit in Pittsburgh, the United States, just days before the German election.
Indeed, the economy forms the lynchpin of Ms Merkel's election pledges,arguing that the need to encourage growth in the wake of the economic crisis aligns the CDU with the FDP's liberal agenda.
"We have the strength," proclaim the CDU's election posters, above a flattering picture of Ms Merkel with a maternal smile.
But while the CDU is relying on the popularity of its leader to bring in the vote, Ms Merkel is also likely to carry the can if her hands-off approach to the election campaign fails to pay off.
In 2005, against the more energetic campaigner Gerhard Schroeder, Ms Merkel allowed a healthy poll lead to slip to almost a dead heat in the final days of the campaign.
D'Estaing pens "Princess Di" tale
Eighty-three-year-old former French president Valery Giscard d'Estaing has brightened his long retirement by writing a steamy romantic novel about a French leader's affair with a British princess.
The Princess and the President recounts the secret and passionate love of two characters clearly modelled closely on both Mr Giscard himself and the late Diana, Princess of Wales, according to yesterday's edition of the daily Le Figaro .Recast as President Jacques-Henri Lambertye and Princess Patricia of Cardiff, the pair meet at the closing dinner of a G7 summit after the young British royal has been left miserable by her princely husband's adultery.
"I kissed her hand and she gave me a questioning look, her slate grey eyes widening as she tilted her head gently forward," the presidential first-person narrator recounts, according to an excerpt published in Le Figaro .The newspaper said Mr d'Estaing's book rises above the level of a wellwritten romantic novel because of the wealth of details he is able to supply about the French and British characters and the palaces in which they meet.
As befits a member of the prestigious Academie Francaise, the president also alludes to the literary classics, such as Alexandre Dumas' tales of the love between French Princess Anne of Austria and the Duke of Buckingham.
But the book will most likely cause a stir as the latest to cash in on the posthumous Diana publishing industry,particularly as it includes a playful hint that there might be an element of truth in the story.
According to Le Figaro , the book opens with the phrase "Promise kept" and ends with:"'You asked me for permission for you to write your story,' she told me.'I give you it, but you must make me a promise ...'."
While marketed as a novel, there is little doubt that the characters are closely modelled on real-life figures from recent history.
Princess Patricia shares Diana's passion for charity work with children with Aids and campaigns as she did against anti-personnel mines.
"A fortnight before my marriage, my future husband told me that he had a mistress and was determined to continue his relationship with her," Princess Patricia tells her French lover, according to the leaked extract.
President Lambertye also appears to be a close fit with Mr d'Estaing, except for one key detail, one that suggests that the author is keen to reimagine history in a more flattering light.
While the fictional President Lam-bertye wins a second term with a comfortable 56%, the real Mr d'Estaing was turfed out of office in 1981 after being accused of corruptly receiving diamonds from Emperor Bokassa of Central Africa.
Mr d'Estaing lost the vote in May 1981, costing him the chance of representing France two months later when Diana Spencer married Prince Charles,and thus the pair were never simultaneously The Princess and the President .Nevertheless, some commentators said that Mr d'Estaing had left himself open to ridicule by penning a book even hinting at an affair - he was 55 years old in 1981, Diana was 19. Some warned he risked tainting his legacy.
"How does he want posterity to remember him?" demanded the magazine Marianne on its website."As the guy who legalised abortion? Who gave 18-year-olds the vote? Who brought female ministers into government?
"By talking about Diana, Giscard is remaking himself the great inventor of the celebrity presidency. A low-brow gossip president who needs the skills of a psychoanalyst to understand history,"it stormed.
Diana died in a road accident with her boyfriend Dodi Fayed in Paris in August 1997.The Princess and the President will be released in Paris in French on Oct 1 by publishers Fallois-Xo.
The Princess and the President recounts the secret and passionate love of two characters clearly modelled closely on both Mr Giscard himself and the late Diana, Princess of Wales, according to yesterday's edition of the daily Le Figaro .Recast as President Jacques-Henri Lambertye and Princess Patricia of Cardiff, the pair meet at the closing dinner of a G7 summit after the young British royal has been left miserable by her princely husband's adultery.
"I kissed her hand and she gave me a questioning look, her slate grey eyes widening as she tilted her head gently forward," the presidential first-person narrator recounts, according to an excerpt published in Le Figaro .The newspaper said Mr d'Estaing's book rises above the level of a wellwritten romantic novel because of the wealth of details he is able to supply about the French and British characters and the palaces in which they meet.
As befits a member of the prestigious Academie Francaise, the president also alludes to the literary classics, such as Alexandre Dumas' tales of the love between French Princess Anne of Austria and the Duke of Buckingham.
But the book will most likely cause a stir as the latest to cash in on the posthumous Diana publishing industry,particularly as it includes a playful hint that there might be an element of truth in the story.
According to Le Figaro , the book opens with the phrase "Promise kept" and ends with:"'You asked me for permission for you to write your story,' she told me.'I give you it, but you must make me a promise ...'."
While marketed as a novel, there is little doubt that the characters are closely modelled on real-life figures from recent history.
Princess Patricia shares Diana's passion for charity work with children with Aids and campaigns as she did against anti-personnel mines.
"A fortnight before my marriage, my future husband told me that he had a mistress and was determined to continue his relationship with her," Princess Patricia tells her French lover, according to the leaked extract.
President Lambertye also appears to be a close fit with Mr d'Estaing, except for one key detail, one that suggests that the author is keen to reimagine history in a more flattering light.
While the fictional President Lam-bertye wins a second term with a comfortable 56%, the real Mr d'Estaing was turfed out of office in 1981 after being accused of corruptly receiving diamonds from Emperor Bokassa of Central Africa.
Mr d'Estaing lost the vote in May 1981, costing him the chance of representing France two months later when Diana Spencer married Prince Charles,and thus the pair were never simultaneously The Princess and the President .Nevertheless, some commentators said that Mr d'Estaing had left himself open to ridicule by penning a book even hinting at an affair - he was 55 years old in 1981, Diana was 19. Some warned he risked tainting his legacy.
"How does he want posterity to remember him?" demanded the magazine Marianne on its website."As the guy who legalised abortion? Who gave 18-year-olds the vote? Who brought female ministers into government?
"By talking about Diana, Giscard is remaking himself the great inventor of the celebrity presidency. A low-brow gossip president who needs the skills of a psychoanalyst to understand history,"it stormed.
Diana died in a road accident with her boyfriend Dodi Fayed in Paris in August 1997.The Princess and the President will be released in Paris in French on Oct 1 by publishers Fallois-Xo.
Juanes holds "peace" concert in Havana
Hundreds of thousands of people filled Havana's Revolution Square for a "peace" concert on Sunday in which Colombian singer Juanes and other musicians sought to bridge the political divide that has separated Cubans for 50 years.
The concert was shown live on international television, including to viewers in Miami, the heart of the Cuban exile community and centre of opposition to Cuba's communist-led government.
A small group of exiles, who say Mr Juanes legitimised a government that denies its people basic human rights,staged a protest in Miami's Little Havana against the concert.
Mr Juanes organised his "Peace Without Borders" concert in conjunction with the Cuban government. He had insisted the show was not political, but raised eyebrows at the end of the concert when he shouted "one Cuban family" for Cuban unity and "Cuba libre", words that have been a rallying cry in the exile community for years.
The concert was shown live on international television, including to viewers in Miami, the heart of the Cuban exile community and centre of opposition to Cuba's communist-led government.
A small group of exiles, who say Mr Juanes legitimised a government that denies its people basic human rights,staged a protest in Miami's Little Havana against the concert.
Mr Juanes organised his "Peace Without Borders" concert in conjunction with the Cuban government. He had insisted the show was not political, but raised eyebrows at the end of the concert when he shouted "one Cuban family" for Cuban unity and "Cuba libre", words that have been a rallying cry in the exile community for years.
Merkel assured of second term
Chancellor Angela Merkel is virtually assured of a second term in office when Germany goes to the polls next weekend but she faces a nail-biting wait to see if she can form her preferred coalition.
About 62 million Germans are eligible to vote on Sunday in an election that will decide who is at the helm of Europe's most populous nation and biggest economy for the next four years.
Barring a major election-day surprise,polls show the 55-year-old Ms Merkel,a pastor's daughter from the former communist east Germany and Forbes magazine's world's most powerful woman, is a shoo-in for re-election.
The key question to be resolved in Sunday's vote is whether in Germany's coalition-based political systemMs Merkel's centre-right Christian Demo-crats (CDU) can win enough votes to form their preferred alliance with the businessfriendly Free Democrats.
If not, Germany is in for a second term of the "grand coalition" between the CDU and the centre-left Social Democrats (SPD)-an unwieldy alliance that some analysts say has hobbled economic reform in the country.
The latest polls put the CDU on around 36% of the votes and the Free Democrats on about 12%, just enough to scrape a razor-thin parliamentary majority. The SPD is languishing near 26%, with their preferred coalition partner the Greens on around 11%.
"I am certain that Ms Merkel will be the next chancellor. I do not see any alternative to her. The only interesting question is, in which coalition?" said Gerd Langguth, professor of political science at Bonn University and author of a biography of Ms Merkel.
The election follows two broadly uninspiring campaigns waged by Ms
Merkel and her SPD rival,Frank-Walter Steinmeier, the country's 53-year-old vicechancellor and foreign minister.
The pair, who have governed together for the past four years, have shied away from personal attacks and struggled to set themselves apart from each other as they hold joint responsibility for the administration's record.
This was evident in their one and only live TV debate during which the polite and passionless sparring prompted one exasperated moderator to exclaim:"You two are like an old married couple."
Voters have also struggled to separate the policies of the two main parties as their manifesto pledges differ only slightly on the key issues of the day, including Germany's involvement in Afghanistan and the financial crisis.
Only on nuclear energy - where the CDU wants to go back on an earlier pledge to scrap the country's 17 nuclear power plants and the SPD wants to hold firm - and on wage policy are there clearly defined differences.
"Merkel knows that if she is not confrontational, she can rely on her popularity as chancellor. She has the highest popularity ratings of any chancellor in German history," Mr Langguth said.
The country is groggily getting off its knees after its worst recession in 60 years and output this year is poised to shrink by as much as 6%.
So far, a programme offering firms incentives to keep workers on parttime rather than lay them off has kept a lid on unemployment, but experts see jobless lines growing rapidly in the coming months.
In the foreign policy sphere, politicians face an increasingly uphill battle to convince the public their country needs to stay the course in the unpopular mission in Afghanistan. A more pleasant task for the new chancellor will be welcoming a host of world leaders on Nov 9 to celebrate the 20th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall which paved the way to a reunited Germany.
About 62 million Germans are eligible to vote on Sunday in an election that will decide who is at the helm of Europe's most populous nation and biggest economy for the next four years.
Barring a major election-day surprise,polls show the 55-year-old Ms Merkel,a pastor's daughter from the former communist east Germany and Forbes magazine's world's most powerful woman, is a shoo-in for re-election.
The key question to be resolved in Sunday's vote is whether in Germany's coalition-based political systemMs Merkel's centre-right Christian Demo-crats (CDU) can win enough votes to form their preferred alliance with the businessfriendly Free Democrats.
If not, Germany is in for a second term of the "grand coalition" between the CDU and the centre-left Social Democrats (SPD)-an unwieldy alliance that some analysts say has hobbled economic reform in the country.
The latest polls put the CDU on around 36% of the votes and the Free Democrats on about 12%, just enough to scrape a razor-thin parliamentary majority. The SPD is languishing near 26%, with their preferred coalition partner the Greens on around 11%.
"I am certain that Ms Merkel will be the next chancellor. I do not see any alternative to her. The only interesting question is, in which coalition?" said Gerd Langguth, professor of political science at Bonn University and author of a biography of Ms Merkel.
The election follows two broadly uninspiring campaigns waged by Ms
Merkel and her SPD rival,Frank-Walter Steinmeier, the country's 53-year-old vicechancellor and foreign minister.
The pair, who have governed together for the past four years, have shied away from personal attacks and struggled to set themselves apart from each other as they hold joint responsibility for the administration's record.
This was evident in their one and only live TV debate during which the polite and passionless sparring prompted one exasperated moderator to exclaim:"You two are like an old married couple."
Voters have also struggled to separate the policies of the two main parties as their manifesto pledges differ only slightly on the key issues of the day, including Germany's involvement in Afghanistan and the financial crisis.
Only on nuclear energy - where the CDU wants to go back on an earlier pledge to scrap the country's 17 nuclear power plants and the SPD wants to hold firm - and on wage policy are there clearly defined differences.
"Merkel knows that if she is not confrontational, she can rely on her popularity as chancellor. She has the highest popularity ratings of any chancellor in German history," Mr Langguth said.
The country is groggily getting off its knees after its worst recession in 60 years and output this year is poised to shrink by as much as 6%.
So far, a programme offering firms incentives to keep workers on parttime rather than lay them off has kept a lid on unemployment, but experts see jobless lines growing rapidly in the coming months.
In the foreign policy sphere, politicians face an increasingly uphill battle to convince the public their country needs to stay the course in the unpopular mission in Afghanistan. A more pleasant task for the new chancellor will be welcoming a host of world leaders on Nov 9 to celebrate the 20th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall which paved the way to a reunited Germany.
PAD TEMPLE PROTEST WAS BLATANT PROVOCATION
The government must stop its ally from causing any more trouble at disputed border site The People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) should have learnt a lesson after its clash with local residents over the weekend near the disputed temple of Preah Vihear on the Cambodian border. The PAD's protest at the site was wrong. It was no way to protect Thailand's national sovereignty.
Blood should not be spilled over this stupid demand to have sovereignty over the disputed territory. It remains unclear to which country the temple actually belongs. It is embarrassing to see Thai people fighting each other in this area, even though Thailand and Cambodia are at odds over the historical site.
The nationalist elements of the PAD made a silly and unnecessarily provocative move to protest at the Pha Mor Ee Daeng site on Saturday and Sunday, demanding the removal of a Cambodian community from the disputed area of 4.6 square kilometres.
The area adjacent to the Preah Vihear temple is claimed by both Thailand and Cambodia. But the two countries signed a memorandum of understanding in 2000 to leave the site free from occupation until the boundary demarcation is finished and agreed upon.
It is true that Cambodia has built up a settlement, temple and military outpost in the disputed area since 2004. But the PAD should be well aware that the Thai Foreign Ministry has lodged a series of diplomatic protests over the Cambodian construction.
The Cambodian action might be regarded as a violation of the 2000 memorandum of understanding, but it is wrong for Thai people to try to remove the settlers from the area by force. We must be civilised in solving the problem by negotiation through the proper diplomatic channels.
Instead of helping to solve the problem, the PAD action has simply made the issue more complicated. The protest degenerated into clashes with local residents in Si Sa Ket's Kanthalalak district, who have lived there for generations.
Local residents in many sub-districts in the area around Preah Vihear and the Phra Viharn National Park view the PAD protesters as troublemakers. The PAD caused the closure of the temple.
Many Thai people in the area rely on the Preah Vihear temple for a number of reasons. Some are traders who rely on tourists who visit the World Heritage site; some need to travel through the area to get to their farms; some gather food and other items from the forests; others are relatives of people in the Cambodian community in the disputed area. Sovereignty over the boundary is meaningless for local people. They are able to get on with their daily lives even with the blurred boundary line.
The clash over the weekend between the local villagers and the PAD protesters, who mostly came from elsewhere, was not the first time that such trouble has flared, but the second. The history of conflict between the two groups began last year when the PAD protested to Cambodia over the World Heritage inscription proposal. The PAD protest forced the authorities in Cambodia to shut Preah Vihear to tourism. The military on both sides have set up security outposts throughout the area, blocking local residents from travelling freely.
It is understandable that local people blame the PAD for creating trouble. An angry mob attacked PAD protesters in July last year when the PAD rallied at the site shortly after the World Heritage Committee announced Preah Vihear's inscription as a heritage site. Many people were injured in the clashes and ugly pictures were televised as Thais used flagpoles to beat each other.
Unfortunately, the PAD has not learned a lesson from the bloodshed last year, and has simply repeated the same mistake this year. The thousands of PAD marchers clashed with the same group of villagers in almost exactly same place, Ban Phumsarol. At least five people on both sides were injured this time. The most serious case was an injury to a protester's right eye, and some villagers were reportedly shot at by unknown gunmen.
Nobody is taking responsibility for the incident, as leaders of both sides have filed lawsuits for criminal damage against each other. Such actions will consequently create more conflict between the two groups of Thais.
The PAD leader of the demonstration, Veera Somkwamkid, says he will not give up national sovereignty over the disputed territory and will stay the course in the fight. The local residents are unlikely to throw the towel in either. The rift will go on.
The government of Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva has underestimated the level of conflict between the PAD and the villagers. It made no serious effort to prevent either the protest or the clashes. Minor injuries in Si Sa Ket might mean nothing to those in power who once agreed with this nationalist agenda - especially as a tactic against their political rivals - but people should not be scarified in this unnecessary conflict. Nobody will gain anything from such thoughtlessness.
Thailand will not benefit from this PAD protest over the boundary demarcation with Cambodia. The government must step in to stop any further provocation by its closest ally before the dispute degenerates into worse bloodshed.
Blood should not be spilled over this stupid demand to have sovereignty over the disputed territory. It remains unclear to which country the temple actually belongs. It is embarrassing to see Thai people fighting each other in this area, even though Thailand and Cambodia are at odds over the historical site.
The nationalist elements of the PAD made a silly and unnecessarily provocative move to protest at the Pha Mor Ee Daeng site on Saturday and Sunday, demanding the removal of a Cambodian community from the disputed area of 4.6 square kilometres.
The area adjacent to the Preah Vihear temple is claimed by both Thailand and Cambodia. But the two countries signed a memorandum of understanding in 2000 to leave the site free from occupation until the boundary demarcation is finished and agreed upon.
It is true that Cambodia has built up a settlement, temple and military outpost in the disputed area since 2004. But the PAD should be well aware that the Thai Foreign Ministry has lodged a series of diplomatic protests over the Cambodian construction.
The Cambodian action might be regarded as a violation of the 2000 memorandum of understanding, but it is wrong for Thai people to try to remove the settlers from the area by force. We must be civilised in solving the problem by negotiation through the proper diplomatic channels.
Instead of helping to solve the problem, the PAD action has simply made the issue more complicated. The protest degenerated into clashes with local residents in Si Sa Ket's Kanthalalak district, who have lived there for generations.
Local residents in many sub-districts in the area around Preah Vihear and the Phra Viharn National Park view the PAD protesters as troublemakers. The PAD caused the closure of the temple.
Many Thai people in the area rely on the Preah Vihear temple for a number of reasons. Some are traders who rely on tourists who visit the World Heritage site; some need to travel through the area to get to their farms; some gather food and other items from the forests; others are relatives of people in the Cambodian community in the disputed area. Sovereignty over the boundary is meaningless for local people. They are able to get on with their daily lives even with the blurred boundary line.
The clash over the weekend between the local villagers and the PAD protesters, who mostly came from elsewhere, was not the first time that such trouble has flared, but the second. The history of conflict between the two groups began last year when the PAD protested to Cambodia over the World Heritage inscription proposal. The PAD protest forced the authorities in Cambodia to shut Preah Vihear to tourism. The military on both sides have set up security outposts throughout the area, blocking local residents from travelling freely.
It is understandable that local people blame the PAD for creating trouble. An angry mob attacked PAD protesters in July last year when the PAD rallied at the site shortly after the World Heritage Committee announced Preah Vihear's inscription as a heritage site. Many people were injured in the clashes and ugly pictures were televised as Thais used flagpoles to beat each other.
Unfortunately, the PAD has not learned a lesson from the bloodshed last year, and has simply repeated the same mistake this year. The thousands of PAD marchers clashed with the same group of villagers in almost exactly same place, Ban Phumsarol. At least five people on both sides were injured this time. The most serious case was an injury to a protester's right eye, and some villagers were reportedly shot at by unknown gunmen.
Nobody is taking responsibility for the incident, as leaders of both sides have filed lawsuits for criminal damage against each other. Such actions will consequently create more conflict between the two groups of Thais.
The PAD leader of the demonstration, Veera Somkwamkid, says he will not give up national sovereignty over the disputed territory and will stay the course in the fight. The local residents are unlikely to throw the towel in either. The rift will go on.
The government of Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva has underestimated the level of conflict between the PAD and the villagers. It made no serious effort to prevent either the protest or the clashes. Minor injuries in Si Sa Ket might mean nothing to those in power who once agreed with this nationalist agenda - especially as a tactic against their political rivals - but people should not be scarified in this unnecessary conflict. Nobody will gain anything from such thoughtlessness.
Thailand will not benefit from this PAD protest over the boundary demarcation with Cambodia. The government must step in to stop any further provocation by its closest ally before the dispute degenerates into worse bloodshed.
Prasopsuk backs PM on charter
Senate Speaker Prasopsuk Boondej has voiced support for Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva's suggestion for former constitution drafters and academics to be recruited to vet the proposed six-point rewrite of the charter.
Mr Prasopsuk said the participation of the former members of two constitution drafting assemblies would ensure public input in the charter rewrite process.
He said the charter amendments could be completed within a few months if the government was serious about it.
A special parliamentary meeting could then be convened to screen the amendments when the House goes into recess in November, he said.
However, the speaker said it would be time-consuming if the amended constitution was put up for a referendum.There is no law governing a referendum on a new charter.
He said legislation could be sped up and completed within two months if the public wanted a referendum.
On Sunday, Mr Abhisit floated the idea of forming a fresh constitution drafting assembly to handle changes to the charter and the holding of a referendum.
He said the assembly should be made up of members of parliament, those who drew up the 1997 and present 2007 constitutions, scholars and experts.
Government chief whip Chinnaworn Boonyakiat said the government whips would discuss charter amendments with the opposition and the senate whips tomorrow to reach an agreement before Mr Abhisit's return from overseas.
He said the charter rewrite should not take more than six months.
But Puea Thai Party MP Surapong Towihcakchaikul yesterday shot down the prime minister's proposed new charter drafting assembly suggestion.
He said the party would support only the six points offered by the charter reform and national reconciliation committee.
Mr Prasopsuk said the participation of the former members of two constitution drafting assemblies would ensure public input in the charter rewrite process.
He said the charter amendments could be completed within a few months if the government was serious about it.
A special parliamentary meeting could then be convened to screen the amendments when the House goes into recess in November, he said.
However, the speaker said it would be time-consuming if the amended constitution was put up for a referendum.There is no law governing a referendum on a new charter.
He said legislation could be sped up and completed within two months if the public wanted a referendum.
On Sunday, Mr Abhisit floated the idea of forming a fresh constitution drafting assembly to handle changes to the charter and the holding of a referendum.
He said the assembly should be made up of members of parliament, those who drew up the 1997 and present 2007 constitutions, scholars and experts.
Government chief whip Chinnaworn Boonyakiat said the government whips would discuss charter amendments with the opposition and the senate whips tomorrow to reach an agreement before Mr Abhisit's return from overseas.
He said the charter rewrite should not take more than six months.
But Puea Thai Party MP Surapong Towihcakchaikul yesterday shot down the prime minister's proposed new charter drafting assembly suggestion.
He said the party would support only the six points offered by the charter reform and national reconciliation committee.
Suthep lifts imposition of security act
The imposition of the Internal Security Act in Bangkok's Dusit district will be lifted today after the weekend's red shirt rally passed without violence.
Deputy Prime Minister Suthep Thaugsuban, who is in charge of national security, yesterday said it was fortunate there was no violence during the demonstration led by the United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship.
The Internal Security Act had been invoked in Dusit district where the rally was held. The act took effect on Friday.
More than 20,000 anti-government UDD supporters gathered at the Royal
Plaza on Saturday to mark the third anniversary of the Sept 19,2006, military coup that toppled the Thaksin Shinawatra administration.Demonstrators dispersed at midnight and there Suthep: Relieved were no violent there was no violence incidents.
Mr Suthep said members of the security forces manning Government House were now pulling out of the compound.
He said the government would decide whether to invoke the Internal Security Act to ensure security for the Asean summits in Phetchaburi's Cha-am district and Prachuap Khiri Khan's Hua Hin district in late October.
Mr Suthep denied suggestions the government had been locked in a political tug-of-war with red shirt protesters.
Metropolitan police chief Worapong Chiewpreecha has issued an order lowering a security alert at the Royal Plaza to "normal" level and cutting the number of security forces in the area.
Deputy Prime Minister Suthep Thaugsuban, who is in charge of national security, yesterday said it was fortunate there was no violence during the demonstration led by the United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship.
The Internal Security Act had been invoked in Dusit district where the rally was held. The act took effect on Friday.
More than 20,000 anti-government UDD supporters gathered at the Royal
Plaza on Saturday to mark the third anniversary of the Sept 19,2006, military coup that toppled the Thaksin Shinawatra administration.Demonstrators dispersed at midnight and there Suthep: Relieved were no violent there was no violence incidents.
Mr Suthep said members of the security forces manning Government House were now pulling out of the compound.
He said the government would decide whether to invoke the Internal Security Act to ensure security for the Asean summits in Phetchaburi's Cha-am district and Prachuap Khiri Khan's Hua Hin district in late October.
Mr Suthep denied suggestions the government had been locked in a political tug-of-war with red shirt protesters.
Metropolitan police chief Worapong Chiewpreecha has issued an order lowering a security alert at the Royal Plaza to "normal" level and cutting the number of security forces in the area.
Asean summit will be guarded by a 20,000-strong contingent
The Defence Ministry plans to deploy more than 20,000 soldiers to ensure maximum security during the summit of Southeast Asian leaders next month, a ministry source says.
The Asean meeting will be held from Oct 21 to 25 in Phetchaburi's Cha-am district and Hua Hin district in Prachuap Khiri Khan.
All 10 Asean leaders and six dialogue partners have confirmed their attendance, director-general of the Asean Affairs Department Vitavas Srivihok said yesterday. The dialogue partners are China,Japan, South Korea, Australia, New Zealand and India.
The armed forces will implement a security plan codenamed "Cha-am-Hua Hin 521" using soldiers from three infantry regiments in the 1st Army and special warfare units from the army and navy as well as a commando unit from the air force, the source said.
Defence Minister Prawit Wongsuwon said the government would propose invoking the Internal Security Act during the summit because the two areas were considered "at risk" from antigovernment rallies.
The act aims to better control rallies by allowing soldiers to act in parallel with police.
The United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship has announced it will stage a demonstration in October,but has not set the exact date.
In April, its rally coincided with the Asean summit held in Pattaya. The government was criticised for failing to prevent angry demonstrators from breaking into the meeting venue, an act that immediately saw Asean leaders returning home in chaos.
Gen Prawit asked red shirt protesters not to disturb the event because it was a significant international meeting and had nothing to do with the existing internal conflicts between the UDD and the Abhisit Vejjajiva government.
He said officers would ask local people in the two districts for cooperation to help keep order.
Mr Vitavas said at least 20 documents would be signed by the leaders, including a memorandum of understanding on establishing the Asean-China Centre to promote trade, services and tourism.
The agenda includes food security,energy security, disaster management and climate change. Thailand would push for negotiations on education in order to promote and raise awareness among Asean citizens, the official said.
"The highlight is the meeting of Asean leaders and civil society, youth and parliamentary representatives as well as the official establishment of the InterCommission on Human Rights on Oct 23," Mr Vitavas said.
The Asean meeting will be held from Oct 21 to 25 in Phetchaburi's Cha-am district and Hua Hin district in Prachuap Khiri Khan.
All 10 Asean leaders and six dialogue partners have confirmed their attendance, director-general of the Asean Affairs Department Vitavas Srivihok said yesterday. The dialogue partners are China,Japan, South Korea, Australia, New Zealand and India.
The armed forces will implement a security plan codenamed "Cha-am-Hua Hin 521" using soldiers from three infantry regiments in the 1st Army and special warfare units from the army and navy as well as a commando unit from the air force, the source said.
Defence Minister Prawit Wongsuwon said the government would propose invoking the Internal Security Act during the summit because the two areas were considered "at risk" from antigovernment rallies.
The act aims to better control rallies by allowing soldiers to act in parallel with police.
The United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship has announced it will stage a demonstration in October,but has not set the exact date.
In April, its rally coincided with the Asean summit held in Pattaya. The government was criticised for failing to prevent angry demonstrators from breaking into the meeting venue, an act that immediately saw Asean leaders returning home in chaos.
Gen Prawit asked red shirt protesters not to disturb the event because it was a significant international meeting and had nothing to do with the existing internal conflicts between the UDD and the Abhisit Vejjajiva government.
He said officers would ask local people in the two districts for cooperation to help keep order.
Mr Vitavas said at least 20 documents would be signed by the leaders, including a memorandum of understanding on establishing the Asean-China Centre to promote trade, services and tourism.
The agenda includes food security,energy security, disaster management and climate change. Thailand would push for negotiations on education in order to promote and raise awareness among Asean citizens, the official said.
"The highlight is the meeting of Asean leaders and civil society, youth and parliamentary representatives as well as the official establishment of the InterCommission on Human Rights on Oct 23," Mr Vitavas said.
Govt at odds with Senate over loan bill
A legal battle is brewing between the two houses of parliament that could hold up the government's efforts to borrow 400 billion baht to pay for its economic stimulus schemes.
The Senate has demanded that it be allowed to scrutinise a bill on the loans,but the government insists the Senate only has to be informed about the bill.
A majority of senators yesterday voted to support a special committee's recommendation that the Senate be allowed to vet the bill.
The government wanted the Senate to be informed about the bill but did not ask for it to be vetted.
The Senate plans to ask the Constitution Court to rule on whether the bill would be constitutional if the government does not give it to the upper house for scrutiny or to change some details.
Finance Minister Korn Chatikavanij yesterday said the government had consulted the Council of State as to whether the Senate could vet the bill and make changes. The council ruled the Senate could not do so because it would be a violation of Article 171 of the constitution.
If the Senate insisted on approaching the Constitution Court, the government would lodge its own complaint with the court against the authority of the Senate,Mr Korn said.
If the Constitution Court blocks parliament's approval of the bill, the government will be unable to access the 400 billion baht in loans that it needs to stimulate the economy.
Mr Korn said the government really needed the bill to be passed into law to provide funding for the "Thailand: Investing from Strength to Strength" stimulus scheme and for investment in the private sector.
He insisted the government would spend the 400 billion baht with transparency and in the best interest of the public. He expected the funds to be disbursed early next year.
The Senate has demanded that it be allowed to scrutinise a bill on the loans,but the government insists the Senate only has to be informed about the bill.
A majority of senators yesterday voted to support a special committee's recommendation that the Senate be allowed to vet the bill.
The government wanted the Senate to be informed about the bill but did not ask for it to be vetted.
The Senate plans to ask the Constitution Court to rule on whether the bill would be constitutional if the government does not give it to the upper house for scrutiny or to change some details.
Finance Minister Korn Chatikavanij yesterday said the government had consulted the Council of State as to whether the Senate could vet the bill and make changes. The council ruled the Senate could not do so because it would be a violation of Article 171 of the constitution.
If the Senate insisted on approaching the Constitution Court, the government would lodge its own complaint with the court against the authority of the Senate,Mr Korn said.
If the Constitution Court blocks parliament's approval of the bill, the government will be unable to access the 400 billion baht in loans that it needs to stimulate the economy.
Mr Korn said the government really needed the bill to be passed into law to provide funding for the "Thailand: Investing from Strength to Strength" stimulus scheme and for investment in the private sector.
He insisted the government would spend the 400 billion baht with transparency and in the best interest of the public. He expected the funds to be disbursed early next year.
Meeting turns to mayhem as tempers flare
A meeting on the reassignment of senior police officers has erupted into a heated argument, forcing its closure after just 90 minutes.
Deputy Prime Minister Suthep Thaugsuban, who chaired the Police Commission's qualifications screening board yesterday in his position as acting prime minister, refused to allow the meeting to continue because of the arguments.
Deputy police chief Priewpan Damapong said after the meeting the screening board members had been unable to reach an agreement on the reshuffle list.
Other members of the board included Pol Gens Wongkot Suthep: No Maneerin, Wirot agreement Phaholwech,Chumpol Manmai, Jongrak Juthanond,Watcharapol Prasarnratchakit and Pateep Tanprasert.
The meeting yesterday considered the reshuffle list of police generals below the rank of national police chief proposed by acting police chief Thanee Somboonsap.
Pol Gen Watcharapol, who is also the police spokesman, said several Police Commission members suggested during the meeting that the reshuffle be considered after the government had appointed the new national police chief.
He said the board members all had different suggestions and Mr Suthep adjourned the meeting after failing to arrive at a consensus.
The Police Commission has yet to appoint a new police chief to succeed Pol Gen Patcharawat Wongsuwon,who resigned after the the National Anti-Corruption Commission charged him with criminal and disciplinary offences over the Oct 7 protest crackdown.
Pol Gen Thanee, who is to retire at the end of this month, has been serving as acting police chief.
Pol Gen Watcharapol said board member Pol Gen Pichit Khuantechakup, a police affairs expert, was the first to suggest that the reshuffle of
the police generals be done after the appointment of the national police chief.
Pol Gen Pichit's suggestion won support from several other Pichit: Supports board mempolice reshuffle bers including AttorneyGeneral Chaikasem Nitisiri, Pol Capt Purachai Piumsombun, Pol Lt Gen Amnuay Ditthakawee and Pol Gen Bunpen Bampen.
Consequently, Mr Suthep decided to adjourn the meeting, Pol Gen Watcharapol said.
Mr Suthep said all of the senior police officers had agreed the reshuffle should be concluded by the end of this month.
But it did not matter if that could not be achieved, he said.
Police sources yesterday speculated Mr Suthep had decided to adjourn the heated meeting because he and his allies were unhappy with the reshuffle list.
Deputy Prime Minister Suthep Thaugsuban, who chaired the Police Commission's qualifications screening board yesterday in his position as acting prime minister, refused to allow the meeting to continue because of the arguments.
Deputy police chief Priewpan Damapong said after the meeting the screening board members had been unable to reach an agreement on the reshuffle list.
Other members of the board included Pol Gens Wongkot Suthep: No Maneerin, Wirot agreement Phaholwech,Chumpol Manmai, Jongrak Juthanond,Watcharapol Prasarnratchakit and Pateep Tanprasert.
The meeting yesterday considered the reshuffle list of police generals below the rank of national police chief proposed by acting police chief Thanee Somboonsap.
Pol Gen Watcharapol, who is also the police spokesman, said several Police Commission members suggested during the meeting that the reshuffle be considered after the government had appointed the new national police chief.
He said the board members all had different suggestions and Mr Suthep adjourned the meeting after failing to arrive at a consensus.
The Police Commission has yet to appoint a new police chief to succeed Pol Gen Patcharawat Wongsuwon,who resigned after the the National Anti-Corruption Commission charged him with criminal and disciplinary offences over the Oct 7 protest crackdown.
Pol Gen Thanee, who is to retire at the end of this month, has been serving as acting police chief.
Pol Gen Watcharapol said board member Pol Gen Pichit Khuantechakup, a police affairs expert, was the first to suggest that the reshuffle of
the police generals be done after the appointment of the national police chief.
Pol Gen Pichit's suggestion won support from several other Pichit: Supports board mempolice reshuffle bers including AttorneyGeneral Chaikasem Nitisiri, Pol Capt Purachai Piumsombun, Pol Lt Gen Amnuay Ditthakawee and Pol Gen Bunpen Bampen.
Consequently, Mr Suthep decided to adjourn the meeting, Pol Gen Watcharapol said.
Mr Suthep said all of the senior police officers had agreed the reshuffle should be concluded by the end of this month.
But it did not matter if that could not be achieved, he said.
Police sources yesterday speculated Mr Suthep had decided to adjourn the heated meeting because he and his allies were unhappy with the reshuffle list.
Noppadon faces temple charge
The national anti-graft agency has accused former foreign minister Noppadon Pattama of negligence of duty over his signing of a joint communique with Cambodia concerning the Preah Vihear temple, a source at the agency says.
The National Anti-Corruption Commission ruling will be announced today based on a 130-page report.
The investigation of the signing covered 35 other people including four cabinet members in the present government and government officials, including some from the Foreign Ministry.
The ministers involved are Deputy Prime Minister Sanan Kachornprasart,Natural Resources and Environment Minister Suwit Khunkitti, Information and Communications Minister Ranongruk Suwunchwee and Deputy Finance Minister Pradit Phataraprasit. The four served in the Samak administration.
Only Mr Noppadon is to be indicted,the source said.
The investigators did not find enough grounds to take action against the others as they were not aware of what the then foreign minister was doing, the source said. Their cases could be rejected if the NACC submitted them to the court.
The anti-graft agency found Mr Noppadon was negligent in his duties under Article 157 of the Criminal Code, the source said.
Mr Noppadon signed the joint communique with Cambodian Deputy Prime
Minister Sok An on June 18 last year to support Cambodia's application to declare the temple a World Heritage site. Mr Noppadon's mandate was endorsed by Noppadon: Backed the government a heritage listing day earlier.
But Thailand backed off from its position after the Constitution Court ruled it unconstitutional as it had bypassed parliamentary approval as required under the constitution. Mr Noppadon later resigned.
NACC member Somluck Jadkrabuanpol, chairman of the investigating panel,denied the NACC had been pressured to rule against the Samak government.
Meanwhile, Deputy Prime Minister Suthep Thaugsuban has asked police to take action against those who instigated the unrest that led to Saturday's fierce clash between the People's Alliance for Democracy and Si Sa Ket residents near the border with Cambodia.
The PAD supporters staged a protest on Saturday near the border in Kantharalak district in Si Sa Ket to call for the authorities to force Cambodians from the disputed area near Preah Vihear.They confronted a group of local residents who blocked the protest. The clash between PAD protesters and the villagers left scores of people on both sides injured.
Mr Suthep said those who violated the law must face legal action.
Defence Minister Prawit Wongsuwon expressed regret over Saturday's clash between the two groups of Thai citizens.
Gen Prawit said he had instructed 2nd Army chief Wiboonsak Neepal to closely coordinate with local police and the provincial governor to prevent a recurrence.
He insisted Cambodia understood the situation as Thai and Cambodian commanders remained in contact.
Both PAD and Si Sa Ket residents yesterday filed complaints against each other with local police over Saturday's clash.
Pol Maj Gen Sompong Thongveeraprasert, chief of the Si Sa Ket police,said more than 30 complaints were filed by the two groups.
Interior Minister Chavarat Charnvirakul dismissed reports a group of men dressed in blue shirts had stirred up local residents to confront the PAD demonstrators. The blue shirts are supporters of Newin Chidchob, the power broker behind Mr Chavarat's Bhumjaithai Party.
The National Anti-Corruption Commission ruling will be announced today based on a 130-page report.
The investigation of the signing covered 35 other people including four cabinet members in the present government and government officials, including some from the Foreign Ministry.
The ministers involved are Deputy Prime Minister Sanan Kachornprasart,Natural Resources and Environment Minister Suwit Khunkitti, Information and Communications Minister Ranongruk Suwunchwee and Deputy Finance Minister Pradit Phataraprasit. The four served in the Samak administration.
Only Mr Noppadon is to be indicted,the source said.
The investigators did not find enough grounds to take action against the others as they were not aware of what the then foreign minister was doing, the source said. Their cases could be rejected if the NACC submitted them to the court.
The anti-graft agency found Mr Noppadon was negligent in his duties under Article 157 of the Criminal Code, the source said.
Mr Noppadon signed the joint communique with Cambodian Deputy Prime
Minister Sok An on June 18 last year to support Cambodia's application to declare the temple a World Heritage site. Mr Noppadon's mandate was endorsed by Noppadon: Backed the government a heritage listing day earlier.
But Thailand backed off from its position after the Constitution Court ruled it unconstitutional as it had bypassed parliamentary approval as required under the constitution. Mr Noppadon later resigned.
NACC member Somluck Jadkrabuanpol, chairman of the investigating panel,denied the NACC had been pressured to rule against the Samak government.
Meanwhile, Deputy Prime Minister Suthep Thaugsuban has asked police to take action against those who instigated the unrest that led to Saturday's fierce clash between the People's Alliance for Democracy and Si Sa Ket residents near the border with Cambodia.
The PAD supporters staged a protest on Saturday near the border in Kantharalak district in Si Sa Ket to call for the authorities to force Cambodians from the disputed area near Preah Vihear.They confronted a group of local residents who blocked the protest. The clash between PAD protesters and the villagers left scores of people on both sides injured.
Mr Suthep said those who violated the law must face legal action.
Defence Minister Prawit Wongsuwon expressed regret over Saturday's clash between the two groups of Thai citizens.
Gen Prawit said he had instructed 2nd Army chief Wiboonsak Neepal to closely coordinate with local police and the provincial governor to prevent a recurrence.
He insisted Cambodia understood the situation as Thai and Cambodian commanders remained in contact.
Both PAD and Si Sa Ket residents yesterday filed complaints against each other with local police over Saturday's clash.
Pol Maj Gen Sompong Thongveeraprasert, chief of the Si Sa Ket police,said more than 30 complaints were filed by the two groups.
Interior Minister Chavarat Charnvirakul dismissed reports a group of men dressed in blue shirts had stirred up local residents to confront the PAD demonstrators. The blue shirts are supporters of Newin Chidchob, the power broker behind Mr Chavarat's Bhumjaithai Party.
BURMESE MONKS FACE PERSECUTION, SAYS RIGHTS GROUP
Burmese monks continue to face intimidation, repression and severe jail sentences two years after the junta's crackdown on anti-government protests, a rights group said yesterday.
Airport from Human Rights Watch (HRW) said some 240 monks were serving tough jail terms, while thousands have been disrobed or live under "constant surveillance" following their role in the 2007 demonstrations.
The protests began as small rallies against the rising cost of living but escalated into huge demonstrations led by monks, posing the biggest challenge to junta rule in nearly two decades.
The new report said the potential for a repeat of the protests is "very real" if the international community does not put pressure on the regime to enact credible political reform ahead of elections planned for 2010. It details the arrest, beating and detention of individual monks after the 2007 uprising, in which at least 31 people were killed as security forces cracked down on protesters in the country.
The junta has since closed down health and social-service programmes run by monastic groups nation wide and intensified surveillance of monasteries, according to the report.
It said many monks - who also face repression for their important social service role after the devastation of Cyclone Nargis in 2008 - have left heir monasteries and returned to their villages or sought refuge abroad.
The cyclone killed 138,000 people and prompted international criticism of the government's slow response.
"The stories told by monks are sad and disturbing, but they exemplify the behaviour of Burma's military government as it clings to power through violence, fear and repression," said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch.
"The monks retain a great deal of moral authority, making principled stands by monks very dangerous for a government that doesn't."
Meanwhile the rights group accused the junta of using Buddhism as a tool to gain political legitimacy - for example by lavishing gifts on selected senior monks and monasteries.
"It would not be surprising to see monks on the streets again if social grievances are not addressed," Adams added.
On Friday, Burmese authorities freed two journalists who helped victims of last year's cyclone and released several opposition activists as part of an amnesty for more than 7,000 prisoners, according to witnesses.
Their release followed another HRW report on Wednesday that said the number of political prisoners in Burman had doubled to more than 2,200 in the past two years.
Airport from Human Rights Watch (HRW) said some 240 monks were serving tough jail terms, while thousands have been disrobed or live under "constant surveillance" following their role in the 2007 demonstrations.
The protests began as small rallies against the rising cost of living but escalated into huge demonstrations led by monks, posing the biggest challenge to junta rule in nearly two decades.
The new report said the potential for a repeat of the protests is "very real" if the international community does not put pressure on the regime to enact credible political reform ahead of elections planned for 2010. It details the arrest, beating and detention of individual monks after the 2007 uprising, in which at least 31 people were killed as security forces cracked down on protesters in the country.
The junta has since closed down health and social-service programmes run by monastic groups nation wide and intensified surveillance of monasteries, according to the report.
It said many monks - who also face repression for their important social service role after the devastation of Cyclone Nargis in 2008 - have left heir monasteries and returned to their villages or sought refuge abroad.
The cyclone killed 138,000 people and prompted international criticism of the government's slow response.
"The stories told by monks are sad and disturbing, but they exemplify the behaviour of Burma's military government as it clings to power through violence, fear and repression," said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch.
"The monks retain a great deal of moral authority, making principled stands by monks very dangerous for a government that doesn't."
Meanwhile the rights group accused the junta of using Buddhism as a tool to gain political legitimacy - for example by lavishing gifts on selected senior monks and monasteries.
"It would not be surprising to see monks on the streets again if social grievances are not addressed," Adams added.
On Friday, Burmese authorities freed two journalists who helped victims of last year's cyclone and released several opposition activists as part of an amnesty for more than 7,000 prisoners, according to witnesses.
Their release followed another HRW report on Wednesday that said the number of political prisoners in Burman had doubled to more than 2,200 in the past two years.
N KOREA'S KIM IN CONTROL, SAYS OBAMA
US President Barack Obama said on Sunday he was hoping for progress in the nuclear stand-off with Pyongyang as North Korean leader Kim Mong-il reassetts himself at the helm of the reclusive nation.
Obama said he had been told by former president Bill Clinton who visited the country in August that Kim, 67, who suffered a stroke last year, was " pretty healthy and in control.
"That's important to know, because we don't have a lot of interaction with the North Koreans," Obama told CNN, adding that in his talks with Kim, Clinton had "had a chance to see him close up and have conversations.
"I won't go into any more details than that, but there's no doubt that this is somebody who I think for a while people thought was slipping away. He's reasserted himself."
Fears over Kim's health after he had a stroke around August 2008 triggered concern among the diplomatic communist nation could be destabilised, tiggering speculation about an eventual succession.
For months afterwards Pyongyang made a series of bellicose moves, including missiel launces and a nuclear test. But in an unexpected turn of events, North Korea has made recent peace overtures to both Washington and Seoul.
Obama said he believed the Pyongyang regime may be changing its tactics.
"I think that North Korea is saying to itself, 'We can't just bang our spoon on the table and somehow think that the world's going to react positively. We've got to start behaving responsibly'.
"So hopefully we'll start seeing some progress on that front," Obama said.
He also praised the six-nation pact spearheading efforts to persuade North Korea to come clean about its nuclear ambitions for standing together.
"This is a success story so far...that we have been able to hold together a coalition that includes the Chinese and The Russians to really apply some of the toughest sanctions we've seen, and it's having an impact," Obama said.
Washington has said it is prepared to talk directly with Pyongyang in order to bring it back to the six-nation talks, which are hosted by china.
Kim told a Chinese envoy that he was willing to engage in bilateral and multilateral talks on his country's controversial nuclear programme.
Obama said he had been told by former president Bill Clinton who visited the country in August that Kim, 67, who suffered a stroke last year, was " pretty healthy and in control.
"That's important to know, because we don't have a lot of interaction with the North Koreans," Obama told CNN, adding that in his talks with Kim, Clinton had "had a chance to see him close up and have conversations.
"I won't go into any more details than that, but there's no doubt that this is somebody who I think for a while people thought was slipping away. He's reasserted himself."
Fears over Kim's health after he had a stroke around August 2008 triggered concern among the diplomatic communist nation could be destabilised, tiggering speculation about an eventual succession.
For months afterwards Pyongyang made a series of bellicose moves, including missiel launces and a nuclear test. But in an unexpected turn of events, North Korea has made recent peace overtures to both Washington and Seoul.
Obama said he believed the Pyongyang regime may be changing its tactics.
"I think that North Korea is saying to itself, 'We can't just bang our spoon on the table and somehow think that the world's going to react positively. We've got to start behaving responsibly'.
"So hopefully we'll start seeing some progress on that front," Obama said.
He also praised the six-nation pact spearheading efforts to persuade North Korea to come clean about its nuclear ambitions for standing together.
"This is a success story so far...that we have been able to hold together a coalition that includes the Chinese and The Russians to really apply some of the toughest sanctions we've seen, and it's having an impact," Obama said.
Washington has said it is prepared to talk directly with Pyongyang in order to bring it back to the six-nation talks, which are hosted by china.
Kim told a Chinese envoy that he was willing to engage in bilateral and multilateral talks on his country's controversial nuclear programme.
RUSSIA SAYS ISRAEL NOT PLANNING A STRIKE ON IRAN
President Dmitry Medvedev said Israel had given Russia assurances it plans no strike on Iran and reserved Moscow's right to sell Tehran arms, in an interveiw released by the Kremlin on Sunday.
Medvedev described an Israeli attack as "the worst thing that could be imagined" but said President Shimon Peres had ruled out such fears when the two leaders met in the Russian resort of Sochi in August.
"When Israeli President Peres was visiting me in Sochi recently, he said something very important for all of us: 'Israel does not plan any strikes on Iran, we are a peaceful country and we will not do this," he said.
In the interview with CNN, Medvedev sidestepped questions on Russia's possible response in the case of Israeli air strikes although he hinted Moscow could take sides under such a scenario.
"What will happen after that? Humanitarian disaster, vast numbers of refugees, Iran's wish to take revenge not only on Israel but upon other countries as well," he said.
Though Russia has no alliances with Iran, "It does not mean that we would like to be or will be indifferent to such a development," Medvedev said.
"But my Israeli colleagues told me that they were not planning to act in this way," he reiterated.
Iran is due to hold talks withy six world powers on October 1, the outcome of which could determine whether the United States and its allies impose more penalties on Tehran over suspicions it is working on an atomic bomb.
The United States is pressuring Russia to shift its current stance and back tougher sanctions, reportedly banking on its warming ties with Moscow since President Barck Obama shelved a controversial missile shield plans in cental Europe.
While Tehran insists its nuclear programme is peaceful, Washington and Jerusalem have also never ruled out the option of air strikes to destroy the Islamic state's nuclear facilities.
Ahead of the Iran talks, Medvedev confirmed that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu made a secret visit to Moscow this month to meet with him.
Medvedev described an Israeli attack as "the worst thing that could be imagined" but said President Shimon Peres had ruled out such fears when the two leaders met in the Russian resort of Sochi in August.
"When Israeli President Peres was visiting me in Sochi recently, he said something very important for all of us: 'Israel does not plan any strikes on Iran, we are a peaceful country and we will not do this," he said.
In the interview with CNN, Medvedev sidestepped questions on Russia's possible response in the case of Israeli air strikes although he hinted Moscow could take sides under such a scenario.
"What will happen after that? Humanitarian disaster, vast numbers of refugees, Iran's wish to take revenge not only on Israel but upon other countries as well," he said.
Though Russia has no alliances with Iran, "It does not mean that we would like to be or will be indifferent to such a development," Medvedev said.
"But my Israeli colleagues told me that they were not planning to act in this way," he reiterated.
Iran is due to hold talks withy six world powers on October 1, the outcome of which could determine whether the United States and its allies impose more penalties on Tehran over suspicions it is working on an atomic bomb.
The United States is pressuring Russia to shift its current stance and back tougher sanctions, reportedly banking on its warming ties with Moscow since President Barck Obama shelved a controversial missile shield plans in cental Europe.
While Tehran insists its nuclear programme is peaceful, Washington and Jerusalem have also never ruled out the option of air strikes to destroy the Islamic state's nuclear facilities.
Ahead of the Iran talks, Medvedev confirmed that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu made a secret visit to Moscow this month to meet with him.
PM, CHAOVARAT ACCUSED OF GRAFT
A Pheu Thai MP yesterday filed a complaint with National Anti-Corruption Commission against the Prime Minister and the Interior Minister for allowing conflict of interest, claiming the minister's family members hold shares in a construction company.
Pheu Thai Lamphun MP Sanguan Pongmanee and the party's spokesman Prompong Nopparit claimed a Cabinet resolution on March 10 approved a Bt408 million budget for additions to the Airport Link project. They said the wife and children of Interior Minister Chaovarat Chanweerakul hold shares in Sino-Thai Engineering and Construction, the company which won the contract.
He said Abhisit must also be responsible for the Cabinet resolution favouring Chaovarat's family.
"I ask the NACC to investigate Prime Minister Abhisit as the prime minister according to Article 171 that he must be directly related to (the case) just as (former prime minister) Thaksin (Shinawatra) was. The laws on country administration state clearly a prime minister must be responsible for all ministries," Sanguan said.
Thaksin was found guilty after his wife bought Ratchadaphisek land from the Financial Institutions Development Fund during his premiership. The law prohibits government officials and their spouses from contracting with an agency of which the official is in charge. Thaksin, as a prime minister, was considered also in charge of the FIDF.
Chaovarat, also Bhum Jai Thai Party leader, said he had declared his assets after many Cabinet reshuffles and did not conceal them. Also, he had had nothing to do with the company for a long time.
Moreover, he said, Sino-Thai was a public company in which anyone can buy shares; his children are mature persons according to the law and they could buy shares in any company.
Supachai Jaisamut, Bhum Jai Thai spokesman, said Chaovarat was planning to file a libel suit against Prompong related to the case.
Pheu Thai Lamphun MP Sanguan Pongmanee and the party's spokesman Prompong Nopparit claimed a Cabinet resolution on March 10 approved a Bt408 million budget for additions to the Airport Link project. They said the wife and children of Interior Minister Chaovarat Chanweerakul hold shares in Sino-Thai Engineering and Construction, the company which won the contract.
He said Abhisit must also be responsible for the Cabinet resolution favouring Chaovarat's family.
"I ask the NACC to investigate Prime Minister Abhisit as the prime minister according to Article 171 that he must be directly related to (the case) just as (former prime minister) Thaksin (Shinawatra) was. The laws on country administration state clearly a prime minister must be responsible for all ministries," Sanguan said.
Thaksin was found guilty after his wife bought Ratchadaphisek land from the Financial Institutions Development Fund during his premiership. The law prohibits government officials and their spouses from contracting with an agency of which the official is in charge. Thaksin, as a prime minister, was considered also in charge of the FIDF.
Chaovarat, also Bhum Jai Thai Party leader, said he had declared his assets after many Cabinet reshuffles and did not conceal them. Also, he had had nothing to do with the company for a long time.
Moreover, he said, Sino-Thai was a public company in which anyone can buy shares; his children are mature persons according to the law and they could buy shares in any company.
Supachai Jaisamut, Bhum Jai Thai spokesman, said Chaovarat was planning to file a libel suit against Prompong related to the case.
OKAY SOUGHT FOR MILITARY PURCHASES
A request for a huge new defence budget for the Army and the Navy is being submitted to the Cabinet today for initial approval.
In addition, the Royal Thai Police is seeking to buy 16,045 sets of antiriot gear worth Bt48 milllion, including 18,445 of a special type of rubber baton at Bt1,000 apiece.
The Army wants to buy 1,474 2.5tonne Jeepstyled vehicles. The selected model, a Japanese brand, is priced at Bt3,388,500 apiece, totalling Bt4.99 billion.
The Navy wants to enhance its antisubmarine capability, by modifying a model of a USmade sea helicopter and buying a number of sonar dip buoys at Bt989million, in a tiedover allocation for the next two years.
In addition, three coastal patrol ships are being sought at a cost of Bt1.6 billion, also in a tiedover two year allocation.
To keep paying for defence contracts, both past deals and those in the future, the Defence Ministry is asking for another Bt3.04 billion. Of the entire amount, Bt610 million will be spent this year, with the remainder in the next three years in tiedover allocations.
In addition, the Royal Thai Police is seeking to buy 16,045 sets of antiriot gear worth Bt48 milllion, including 18,445 of a special type of rubber baton at Bt1,000 apiece.
The Army wants to buy 1,474 2.5tonne Jeepstyled vehicles. The selected model, a Japanese brand, is priced at Bt3,388,500 apiece, totalling Bt4.99 billion.
The Navy wants to enhance its antisubmarine capability, by modifying a model of a USmade sea helicopter and buying a number of sonar dip buoys at Bt989million, in a tiedover allocation for the next two years.
In addition, three coastal patrol ships are being sought at a cost of Bt1.6 billion, also in a tiedover two year allocation.
To keep paying for defence contracts, both past deals and those in the future, the Defence Ministry is asking for another Bt3.04 billion. Of the entire amount, Bt610 million will be spent this year, with the remainder in the next three years in tiedover allocations.
CP TO PURSUE PLAN AFTER COURT VERDICT
Newin and 43 others acquitted by court of wrongdoing
The Charoen Pokphand Group will shortly proceed with its integrated rubber business plans following the Supreme Court's acquittal yesterday of 44 defendants accused of wrongdoing in the controversial sapling scheme.
Criminal charges against former deputy agriculture minister Newin Chidchob and four other ex-ministers, as well as bureaucrats and businessmen, including those of the CP Group, were all dropped.
The court's verdict, which took two and a half hours to read out, said no laws had been violated, because the scheme, costing Bt1.44 billion during the tenure of ousted prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, was intended to develop rubber plantations in the Kingdom.
The scheme, in which 90 million rubber saplings would be handed out to farmers, had been initiated by Newin, now a powerful figure behind prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva's coalition government, as well as other ex-ministers, including former deputy premier Somkid Jatusripitak and former commerce minister Adisai Bodharamik.
If found guilty, Newin and others could have faced imprisonment, because they stood accused of violating the Criminal Code, state procurement guidelines and other laws.
Following the Supreme Court's verdict, Montri Congtrakultien, president of the CP Group's Crop Integration Business Group, said the firm would proceed with its three-point plan for achieving integration of its rubber-business development programme.
Given that the 90-million-sapling scheme was suspended, he said the group would take responsibility for delivering the remaining 16 million saplings to growers.
Its business policy is to promote the use of hybrid JVP 80 rubber saplings under the Agriculture Department's promotion project.
Second, the group early next year will introduce rubber-tree harvesting machines that will allow farmers to tap rubber trees in all weather, including rain.
In addition, the group is also in talks with potential partners from Japan and China to join forces in developing value-added rubber products. They include Unimax International, a Chinese manufacturer and exporter of various kinds of sealing and thermal insulating products.
Federation of Thai Industries chairman Santi Vilassakdanont said all parties should accept the Supreme Court's verdict.
"I believe most people are happy with the court's verdict. Since all 44 defendants - who are politicians and state officials - have been found not guilty, things should be able to move on smoothly," he said.
Spa-Hakuhodo chairman Kitti Chambundabongse called the rubber-sapling verdict "fair".
"Our judiciary system and its verdicts must be respected," he said, adding that the sapling scheme was good for people and their livelihoods.
"The rubber-sapling project needs to be implemented flexibly, due to its nature as an agricultural project."
The Charoen Pokphand Group will shortly proceed with its integrated rubber business plans following the Supreme Court's acquittal yesterday of 44 defendants accused of wrongdoing in the controversial sapling scheme.
Criminal charges against former deputy agriculture minister Newin Chidchob and four other ex-ministers, as well as bureaucrats and businessmen, including those of the CP Group, were all dropped.
The court's verdict, which took two and a half hours to read out, said no laws had been violated, because the scheme, costing Bt1.44 billion during the tenure of ousted prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, was intended to develop rubber plantations in the Kingdom.
The scheme, in which 90 million rubber saplings would be handed out to farmers, had been initiated by Newin, now a powerful figure behind prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva's coalition government, as well as other ex-ministers, including former deputy premier Somkid Jatusripitak and former commerce minister Adisai Bodharamik.
If found guilty, Newin and others could have faced imprisonment, because they stood accused of violating the Criminal Code, state procurement guidelines and other laws.
Following the Supreme Court's verdict, Montri Congtrakultien, president of the CP Group's Crop Integration Business Group, said the firm would proceed with its three-point plan for achieving integration of its rubber-business development programme.
Given that the 90-million-sapling scheme was suspended, he said the group would take responsibility for delivering the remaining 16 million saplings to growers.
Its business policy is to promote the use of hybrid JVP 80 rubber saplings under the Agriculture Department's promotion project.
Second, the group early next year will introduce rubber-tree harvesting machines that will allow farmers to tap rubber trees in all weather, including rain.
In addition, the group is also in talks with potential partners from Japan and China to join forces in developing value-added rubber products. They include Unimax International, a Chinese manufacturer and exporter of various kinds of sealing and thermal insulating products.
Federation of Thai Industries chairman Santi Vilassakdanont said all parties should accept the Supreme Court's verdict.
"I believe most people are happy with the court's verdict. Since all 44 defendants - who are politicians and state officials - have been found not guilty, things should be able to move on smoothly," he said.
Spa-Hakuhodo chairman Kitti Chambundabongse called the rubber-sapling verdict "fair".
"Our judiciary system and its verdicts must be respected," he said, adding that the sapling scheme was good for people and their livelihoods.
"The rubber-sapling project needs to be implemented flexibly, due to its nature as an agricultural project."
Monday, September 21, 2009
GERMANY'S CONSERVATIVES PREPARE FOR POWER
Backed by the trendy middle class and led by a man obsessed with tax cuts, the Free Democrats are bidding to become Angela Merkel's new sidekicks By Tony Paterson
The women wear Burberry scarves, UGG boots and a lot of make-up; the men favour brassbuttoned blazers and loud blue and yellow striped ties. The political rallies hosted by Germany's pro-business, liberal Free Democratic Party (FDP) are like early trendy middle class parties - and this event was no exception. Crowds waited in front of the 500-year-old town hall in the prosperous west German town of Osnabruck for the man who is expected to put the FDP back into power in next week's general election, ending a period of exile from national government that has lasted 11 years.
Guido Westerwelle tries hard to be German liberalism (which translates into conservatism)personified. The openly gay party leader,47,is permanently suntanned, nearly always in a suit and clearly obsessed with bringing the FDP back into government. His almost singlehanded campaign is peppered with dire warnings about the "Red Menace" facing Germany, and outrageously high taxes he blames for crippling small- and mediumsized businesses.
In Osnabruck, Guido, as he is known to followers, lost no time in attacking the threat posed by an eventual coalition of the Social Democrats and more communist Left party that could rule Germany."They claim to be democratic socialists," he said of the Left party."But there is no such thing as democratic socialism; it's like talking about a vegetarian abattoir," he added, to laughter.
Voters appear to be impressed with his party's commitment to cutting taxes and ridding Germany of the restrictions and bureaucracy that not so long ago earned it the title of "sick man of Europe". One of the Burberry-clad ladies at Mr Westerwelle's rally said she would vote for him because the conservative Chancellor, Angela Merkel, had "gone socialist".
Latest opinion polls suggest the Free Democrats are within a hair's breadth of realising their long-held ambition to form a coalition government with Mrs Merkel's conservatives after the election on Sept 27. Mrs Merkel is certain to take the lion's share of the vote but the race to be her coalition partner is too close to call. Some polls suggest the liberals will get in with a margin of 1% or 2%; others forecast that Mrs Merkel will be obliged to continue her present unwieldy grand coalition with the Social Democrats. Mr Westerwelle is fighting tooth and nail for a place in government. He has flatly ruled out joining a coalition with any of Germany's other parties,dismissing the idea as "completely unworkable". Mrs Merkel has also committed herself to forming an alliance with the liberals, even if it is obtainable with only a single seat.
Pundits predict if the FDP gains power, it will usher in a new era of pro-business, marketoriented government. The currently left-ofcentre conservative Mrs Merkel, they argue,could transform herself into a Teutonic, albeit toned-down, Margaret Thatcher overnight.
Gerd Langguth, a political scientist who has written a biography of the Chancellor,says many conservative voters are frustrated by the Merkel government's handling of the recession and its readiness to prop up failed banks and ailing car manufacturers, like Opel.
"The Free Democrats are benefiting from the support of disappointed conservative voters who are fed up with what they see as the state-capitalism practised by Mrs Merkel's party," he said."The liberals stand out because of their clear pro-business policies."
Mrs Merkel's Christian Democratic Union fought the last general election in 2005 promising radical economic reform. But the conservatives secured such a wafer-thin majority as result that they were forced to form a coalition with the Social Democrats. Since then, Mrs Merkel has not dared to mention serious changes on the economic front, fearing the subject was a sure vote-killer.
So the legally-trained Guido Westerwelle has been plugging the gap. He promises a radically simplified tax system that will put more money in the pockets of those who go to work. He attacks the conservatives for rush-ing to the aid of Germany's major concerns as soon as they face economic problems,while ignoring the plight of the vast Mittelstand ,the medium-sized manufacturing firms that provide 70% of German jobs."When a big car company is in trouble, the government bails it out," he says."But when a small firm has problems, the owner ends up mortgaging his house." Tax cuts, he says, are the only way to help these smaller firms stay in business and keep jobs.
His serious campaign message appears to have transformed the German liberals'prospects. Early in his career as party leader,Mr Westerwelle liked to portray himself as Germany's "fun politician".
He followed the mayors of Berlin and Hamburg in announcing he was gay. Then he started turning up at rallies in a bright yellow bus called the Guidomobile and wearing shoes with the figure 18 emblazoned on the soles in the liberal colour yellow to stress the percentage of the vote his party wanted to bag.He even put in an appearance on the German version of reality TV show Big Brother .While nobody in Germany bats an eyelid about Mr Westerwelle's homosexuality, many blame his "fun" antics for the party's poor showing in the 2002 and 2005 elections. If his party forms part of Germany's next government, Mr Westerwelle will be expected to take the job of foreign minister like the heads of most junior coalition parties before him.Unlike the other parties in opposition in Germany, the FDP is not clamouring for a speedy withdrawal of the 4,500 German army troops in northern Afghanistan, but neither are they prepared to send their forces to the more dangerous south.
Mr Westerwelle insists it is Germany's job to confront the Taliban. But his party has decided to break with one of Germany's near sacrosanct post-war codes by demanding an end to conscription. The liberals say a professional army would be much better suited to Germany's military needs.
The FDP also wants to hang on to Germany's nuclear power stations beyond the scheduled shutdown date of 2020 so Germany can sufficiently develop its alternative energy sources and avoid its dependence on Russian gas."If we don't want to be blackmailed we have to diversify," Mr Westerwelle says.
Yet whether he will accept the foreign minister's job that was held by his famous liberal predecessor, Hans-Dietrich Genscher, for decades, is no foregone conclusion. If he is asked, he always plays shy."I wish it was the agriculture minister's job I was up for; at least that's a subject I really know something about," he said in an interview. He did not appear to be joking.
The Independent
PARTNERSHIP POLITICS: A NATION VOTES
Q. Who's going to win the German general election on Sept 27?Right now, it looks as if Chancellor Angela Merkel's conservative Christian Democrats will secure the biggest share of the vote. In the runup, they have been polling 36%, mainly because Mrs Merkel is one of Germany's most popular leaders since the war.
Q. But that means she'll have to find a coalition partner won't she?Yes, and this is where the outcome is almost impossible to predict. Mrs Merkel wants to end her present grand coalition with the left-wing Social Democrats and form a new government with the probusiness Free Democrats. Some polls predict that the liberals and conservatives will squeak enough votes to form such an alliance; others that they will just fail.
Q. What would a conservative coalition mean for Germany?It would result in key policy changes including lower taxes and a long-term delay in Germany's plan to phase out all nuclear power stations by 2020. It would also enable Mrs Merkel to introduce a programme of structural and economic reform she abandoned when she was obliged to join with the Social Democrats after the 2005 poll.
Q. What will happen if Mrs Merkel hasn't the votes for a new alliance?In that case, she will be forced to continue her existing arrangement with the Social Democrats. That's likely to mean a continuation of compromise politics with both parties agreeing on the lowest common policy denominator to govern.
"The Free Democrats are benefiting from the support of disappointed conservative voters who are fed up with what they see as the state-capitalism practised by Mrs Merkel's party GERD LANGGUTH POLITICAL SCIENTIS
The women wear Burberry scarves, UGG boots and a lot of make-up; the men favour brassbuttoned blazers and loud blue and yellow striped ties. The political rallies hosted by Germany's pro-business, liberal Free Democratic Party (FDP) are like early trendy middle class parties - and this event was no exception. Crowds waited in front of the 500-year-old town hall in the prosperous west German town of Osnabruck for the man who is expected to put the FDP back into power in next week's general election, ending a period of exile from national government that has lasted 11 years.
Guido Westerwelle tries hard to be German liberalism (which translates into conservatism)personified. The openly gay party leader,47,is permanently suntanned, nearly always in a suit and clearly obsessed with bringing the FDP back into government. His almost singlehanded campaign is peppered with dire warnings about the "Red Menace" facing Germany, and outrageously high taxes he blames for crippling small- and mediumsized businesses.
In Osnabruck, Guido, as he is known to followers, lost no time in attacking the threat posed by an eventual coalition of the Social Democrats and more communist Left party that could rule Germany."They claim to be democratic socialists," he said of the Left party."But there is no such thing as democratic socialism; it's like talking about a vegetarian abattoir," he added, to laughter.
Voters appear to be impressed with his party's commitment to cutting taxes and ridding Germany of the restrictions and bureaucracy that not so long ago earned it the title of "sick man of Europe". One of the Burberry-clad ladies at Mr Westerwelle's rally said she would vote for him because the conservative Chancellor, Angela Merkel, had "gone socialist".
Latest opinion polls suggest the Free Democrats are within a hair's breadth of realising their long-held ambition to form a coalition government with Mrs Merkel's conservatives after the election on Sept 27. Mrs Merkel is certain to take the lion's share of the vote but the race to be her coalition partner is too close to call. Some polls suggest the liberals will get in with a margin of 1% or 2%; others forecast that Mrs Merkel will be obliged to continue her present unwieldy grand coalition with the Social Democrats. Mr Westerwelle is fighting tooth and nail for a place in government. He has flatly ruled out joining a coalition with any of Germany's other parties,dismissing the idea as "completely unworkable". Mrs Merkel has also committed herself to forming an alliance with the liberals, even if it is obtainable with only a single seat.
Pundits predict if the FDP gains power, it will usher in a new era of pro-business, marketoriented government. The currently left-ofcentre conservative Mrs Merkel, they argue,could transform herself into a Teutonic, albeit toned-down, Margaret Thatcher overnight.
Gerd Langguth, a political scientist who has written a biography of the Chancellor,says many conservative voters are frustrated by the Merkel government's handling of the recession and its readiness to prop up failed banks and ailing car manufacturers, like Opel.
"The Free Democrats are benefiting from the support of disappointed conservative voters who are fed up with what they see as the state-capitalism practised by Mrs Merkel's party," he said."The liberals stand out because of their clear pro-business policies."
Mrs Merkel's Christian Democratic Union fought the last general election in 2005 promising radical economic reform. But the conservatives secured such a wafer-thin majority as result that they were forced to form a coalition with the Social Democrats. Since then, Mrs Merkel has not dared to mention serious changes on the economic front, fearing the subject was a sure vote-killer.
So the legally-trained Guido Westerwelle has been plugging the gap. He promises a radically simplified tax system that will put more money in the pockets of those who go to work. He attacks the conservatives for rush-ing to the aid of Germany's major concerns as soon as they face economic problems,while ignoring the plight of the vast Mittelstand ,the medium-sized manufacturing firms that provide 70% of German jobs."When a big car company is in trouble, the government bails it out," he says."But when a small firm has problems, the owner ends up mortgaging his house." Tax cuts, he says, are the only way to help these smaller firms stay in business and keep jobs.
His serious campaign message appears to have transformed the German liberals'prospects. Early in his career as party leader,Mr Westerwelle liked to portray himself as Germany's "fun politician".
He followed the mayors of Berlin and Hamburg in announcing he was gay. Then he started turning up at rallies in a bright yellow bus called the Guidomobile and wearing shoes with the figure 18 emblazoned on the soles in the liberal colour yellow to stress the percentage of the vote his party wanted to bag.He even put in an appearance on the German version of reality TV show Big Brother .While nobody in Germany bats an eyelid about Mr Westerwelle's homosexuality, many blame his "fun" antics for the party's poor showing in the 2002 and 2005 elections. If his party forms part of Germany's next government, Mr Westerwelle will be expected to take the job of foreign minister like the heads of most junior coalition parties before him.Unlike the other parties in opposition in Germany, the FDP is not clamouring for a speedy withdrawal of the 4,500 German army troops in northern Afghanistan, but neither are they prepared to send their forces to the more dangerous south.
Mr Westerwelle insists it is Germany's job to confront the Taliban. But his party has decided to break with one of Germany's near sacrosanct post-war codes by demanding an end to conscription. The liberals say a professional army would be much better suited to Germany's military needs.
The FDP also wants to hang on to Germany's nuclear power stations beyond the scheduled shutdown date of 2020 so Germany can sufficiently develop its alternative energy sources and avoid its dependence on Russian gas."If we don't want to be blackmailed we have to diversify," Mr Westerwelle says.
Yet whether he will accept the foreign minister's job that was held by his famous liberal predecessor, Hans-Dietrich Genscher, for decades, is no foregone conclusion. If he is asked, he always plays shy."I wish it was the agriculture minister's job I was up for; at least that's a subject I really know something about," he said in an interview. He did not appear to be joking.
The Independent
PARTNERSHIP POLITICS: A NATION VOTES
Q. Who's going to win the German general election on Sept 27?Right now, it looks as if Chancellor Angela Merkel's conservative Christian Democrats will secure the biggest share of the vote. In the runup, they have been polling 36%, mainly because Mrs Merkel is one of Germany's most popular leaders since the war.
Q. But that means she'll have to find a coalition partner won't she?Yes, and this is where the outcome is almost impossible to predict. Mrs Merkel wants to end her present grand coalition with the left-wing Social Democrats and form a new government with the probusiness Free Democrats. Some polls predict that the liberals and conservatives will squeak enough votes to form such an alliance; others that they will just fail.
Q. What would a conservative coalition mean for Germany?It would result in key policy changes including lower taxes and a long-term delay in Germany's plan to phase out all nuclear power stations by 2020. It would also enable Mrs Merkel to introduce a programme of structural and economic reform she abandoned when she was obliged to join with the Social Democrats after the 2005 poll.
Q. What will happen if Mrs Merkel hasn't the votes for a new alliance?In that case, she will be forced to continue her existing arrangement with the Social Democrats. That's likely to mean a continuation of compromise politics with both parties agreeing on the lowest common policy denominator to govern.
"The Free Democrats are benefiting from the support of disappointed conservative voters who are fed up with what they see as the state-capitalism practised by Mrs Merkel's party GERD LANGGUTH POLITICAL SCIENTIS
THE UNTOLD STORY OF OBAMA'S MOTHER
The US President's formative years have been well documented, but only now are his mother's exploits and work inIndonesia starting to come to light By Judith Kampfner
The shadow puppeteer flicks his wrist as he beats a stumpy stick against a wooden box and begins a dramatic introduction to a story about Kunti,a mother who fights for social justice. This is Pucung, a remote Indonesian village where skeletal leather puppets, some of Indonesia's bestknown handicrafts, are made. The character has a mass of black hair. Ann Dunham, too, was famous for her shock of black hair, which she claimed came from a trace of Cherokee blood in her veins. Barack Obama's mother also did more for social justice in her adopted Indonesia than her son's accounts suggest.
"What is best in me, I owe to her," the 44th US President acknowledged in the second edition of his memoir Dreams From My Father . But Dunham has been little more than a footnote in his extraordinary story. In the preface, Mr Obama wrote:"She travelled the world, working in the distant villages,helping women buy a sewing machine or a milk cow or an education that might give them a foothold in the world's economy."
But he chose to highlight a dreaminess in his mother."She gathered friends from high and low, took long walks, stared at the moon and foraged through local markets for some
rifle, a scarf or stone carving that would make her laugh or please the eye." There is more than a hint of superficiality; a sense that his mother was a hippy chick.
What Mr Obama's narrative omits is any detail of how Ann Dunham was an economic anthropologist and that for 30 years she devoted herself to studying rural enterprise in
ndonesia. She took on projects as a development officer with he Ford Foundation, the US Agency for International Development and the Asian Development Bank, pioneering microcredit projects that extended small loans to the rural poor.
Dunham's legacy both as a scholar and a mother whose nfluences would shape her son will finally receive wider prominence later this year when her PhD treatise, which took 14 years to complete, is published by Duke University Press.A feature-length movie about her life,Stanley Ann Dunham:A Most Generous Spirit , goes into production next year."She wanted to know why people do things and how they do what they do - applied anthropology," says Alice Dewey,Dunham's PhD supervisor."She was the hardest-working person I have ever met. When she came down to breakfast,she had already been working for four hours."
But Dunham was more than an academic. In Indonesia,she supported radical groups opposed to the military dictatorship. She was an activist, an adventurer, a supporter of traditional arts and culture, a teacher,and a development worker. The country today is a world leader in micro-credit."She was a pioneer," says Adi Sasono, chairman of the Cooperative Council of Indonesia, who watched her microfinance achievements."She was an orang besar [great person].In Obama's books and speeches, I see the same sensitivity,the same concern for common people and for justice."
Dunham was born in Kansas in 1942 and named Stanley Ann because her father had wanted a boy. The family moved to Hawaii where she met her first husband, Barack Obama Snr, at university. After their brief marriage ended, Dunham returned to complete her anthropology degree and met Lolo Soetoro, an Indonesian student who would become her second husband.
The young mother, aged 24, and six-year-old Barack arrived in Jakarta to join Soetoro at a difficult time. The Muslim nation was in turmoil after the bloody coup in 1965 that brought General Suharto to power. But Dunham knew she wanted to pursue her studies and Indonesia, with its plethora of islands and languages, is a social anthropologist's paradise.According to friends, she spoke fluent Bahasa Indonesian,the national language, and some Javanese. She was an amateur weaver fascinated by textiles, who amassed a significant collection of batik cloths.
Like Dunham, Kay Ikranagara was an American anthropologist married to an Indonesian."She had high ideals for [Barack]," she recalls."She said anyone who didn't work hard didn't deserve to get ahead. She had traditional values like honesty,[which in Indonesia was not especially prized getting on with people was considered more important] and she hated hypocrisy."
Dunham's cultural heroes were Gandhi and Martin Luther King. She was a peacenik and believed implicitly in racial equality. But she did not anticipate the problems her son would have as a black child at school in Hawaii, says Ms Ikranagara, adding:"Maybe she was not aware enough about that. We had this belief that there should be no racial difference,so maybe that made us a little blind to the difficulties one might have in a position like that."
In the atrium of Dunham's Jakarta home, Julia Suryakusuma points to carvings and earth colours and muses that it is "a very Ann house". Ms Suryakusuma was one of Dunham's closest friends and recalls her as "new age"- in that she was interested in spirituality but also "very, very disciplined"."[Ann] was a pragmatic idealist," she adds.
Dunham divorced Soetoro in 1980."After her divorce, she was a free woman and she expressed it in a way a woman does," says Ms Suryakusuma."She dared to live."
With Barack settled back at school in Hawaii from the early 1970s, living with his grandparents, and his half-sister Maya with Indonesian relatives, Dunham was free to pursue her studies. Her PhD thesis Surviving Against The Odds is an academic but lively account of village life and structure as well as the ancient rites, the shamanism, the sexual divisions of labour and the blacksmith trade.
The village Dunham studied is Kajar, in the foothills of mountains a 90-minute drive along dirt roads from Indonesia's second city, Yogyakarta. She lodged with Maggie Norobangun,who is still alive and leads the way through a courtyard where turtles crawl. Ann was easy to live with and "always cheerful,never complaining", she recalls. She would leave early, getting on a motorbike and hiking up her batik wrap skirts, and return late. She didn't talk about her children, Ms Norobangun says,"but I knew she missed them. She would ask me often about my children".
According to Bronwen Solyom, an anthropologist whose work in Indonesia overlapped with Dunham's:"She was a fluent speaker. She asked intelligent questions because she cared."
Some have suggested that the young Barack Obama resented being separated from his mother while she worked abroad.He told one interviewer last year that she had "a certain recklessness". Whatever the truth, the President is due to visit Indonesia in November. Locally, there is already much excitement. He likes nasi goreng, a popular rice dish. But one of Dunham's former friends, anthropologist Yang Suwan,refuses to read the President's autobiography. She says she can't ever forget when Mr Obama, then a law student, was made editor of The Harvard Law Review . His mother read out an article in Time magazine."You know Suwan, they just say 'the mother is an anthropologist'. Just that, just one sentence,"she said. Suwan repeats the sentence in disgust.
If he gets around to visiting Kajar, the President will hear how its families have just clubbed together for their first lowinterest loan. It will allow them to nurture what Ann Dunham called the "ingenuity" of rural Java. It was one of her cherished goals.
The shadow puppeteer flicks his wrist as he beats a stumpy stick against a wooden box and begins a dramatic introduction to a story about Kunti,a mother who fights for social justice. This is Pucung, a remote Indonesian village where skeletal leather puppets, some of Indonesia's bestknown handicrafts, are made. The character has a mass of black hair. Ann Dunham, too, was famous for her shock of black hair, which she claimed came from a trace of Cherokee blood in her veins. Barack Obama's mother also did more for social justice in her adopted Indonesia than her son's accounts suggest.
"What is best in me, I owe to her," the 44th US President acknowledged in the second edition of his memoir Dreams From My Father . But Dunham has been little more than a footnote in his extraordinary story. In the preface, Mr Obama wrote:"She travelled the world, working in the distant villages,helping women buy a sewing machine or a milk cow or an education that might give them a foothold in the world's economy."
But he chose to highlight a dreaminess in his mother."She gathered friends from high and low, took long walks, stared at the moon and foraged through local markets for some
rifle, a scarf or stone carving that would make her laugh or please the eye." There is more than a hint of superficiality; a sense that his mother was a hippy chick.
What Mr Obama's narrative omits is any detail of how Ann Dunham was an economic anthropologist and that for 30 years she devoted herself to studying rural enterprise in
ndonesia. She took on projects as a development officer with he Ford Foundation, the US Agency for International Development and the Asian Development Bank, pioneering microcredit projects that extended small loans to the rural poor.
Dunham's legacy both as a scholar and a mother whose nfluences would shape her son will finally receive wider prominence later this year when her PhD treatise, which took 14 years to complete, is published by Duke University Press.A feature-length movie about her life,Stanley Ann Dunham:A Most Generous Spirit , goes into production next year."She wanted to know why people do things and how they do what they do - applied anthropology," says Alice Dewey,Dunham's PhD supervisor."She was the hardest-working person I have ever met. When she came down to breakfast,she had already been working for four hours."
But Dunham was more than an academic. In Indonesia,she supported radical groups opposed to the military dictatorship. She was an activist, an adventurer, a supporter of traditional arts and culture, a teacher,and a development worker. The country today is a world leader in micro-credit."She was a pioneer," says Adi Sasono, chairman of the Cooperative Council of Indonesia, who watched her microfinance achievements."She was an orang besar [great person].In Obama's books and speeches, I see the same sensitivity,the same concern for common people and for justice."
Dunham was born in Kansas in 1942 and named Stanley Ann because her father had wanted a boy. The family moved to Hawaii where she met her first husband, Barack Obama Snr, at university. After their brief marriage ended, Dunham returned to complete her anthropology degree and met Lolo Soetoro, an Indonesian student who would become her second husband.
The young mother, aged 24, and six-year-old Barack arrived in Jakarta to join Soetoro at a difficult time. The Muslim nation was in turmoil after the bloody coup in 1965 that brought General Suharto to power. But Dunham knew she wanted to pursue her studies and Indonesia, with its plethora of islands and languages, is a social anthropologist's paradise.According to friends, she spoke fluent Bahasa Indonesian,the national language, and some Javanese. She was an amateur weaver fascinated by textiles, who amassed a significant collection of batik cloths.
Like Dunham, Kay Ikranagara was an American anthropologist married to an Indonesian."She had high ideals for [Barack]," she recalls."She said anyone who didn't work hard didn't deserve to get ahead. She had traditional values like honesty,[which in Indonesia was not especially prized getting on with people was considered more important] and she hated hypocrisy."
Dunham's cultural heroes were Gandhi and Martin Luther King. She was a peacenik and believed implicitly in racial equality. But she did not anticipate the problems her son would have as a black child at school in Hawaii, says Ms Ikranagara, adding:"Maybe she was not aware enough about that. We had this belief that there should be no racial difference,so maybe that made us a little blind to the difficulties one might have in a position like that."
In the atrium of Dunham's Jakarta home, Julia Suryakusuma points to carvings and earth colours and muses that it is "a very Ann house". Ms Suryakusuma was one of Dunham's closest friends and recalls her as "new age"- in that she was interested in spirituality but also "very, very disciplined"."[Ann] was a pragmatic idealist," she adds.
Dunham divorced Soetoro in 1980."After her divorce, she was a free woman and she expressed it in a way a woman does," says Ms Suryakusuma."She dared to live."
With Barack settled back at school in Hawaii from the early 1970s, living with his grandparents, and his half-sister Maya with Indonesian relatives, Dunham was free to pursue her studies. Her PhD thesis Surviving Against The Odds is an academic but lively account of village life and structure as well as the ancient rites, the shamanism, the sexual divisions of labour and the blacksmith trade.
The village Dunham studied is Kajar, in the foothills of mountains a 90-minute drive along dirt roads from Indonesia's second city, Yogyakarta. She lodged with Maggie Norobangun,who is still alive and leads the way through a courtyard where turtles crawl. Ann was easy to live with and "always cheerful,never complaining", she recalls. She would leave early, getting on a motorbike and hiking up her batik wrap skirts, and return late. She didn't talk about her children, Ms Norobangun says,"but I knew she missed them. She would ask me often about my children".
According to Bronwen Solyom, an anthropologist whose work in Indonesia overlapped with Dunham's:"She was a fluent speaker. She asked intelligent questions because she cared."
Some have suggested that the young Barack Obama resented being separated from his mother while she worked abroad.He told one interviewer last year that she had "a certain recklessness". Whatever the truth, the President is due to visit Indonesia in November. Locally, there is already much excitement. He likes nasi goreng, a popular rice dish. But one of Dunham's former friends, anthropologist Yang Suwan,refuses to read the President's autobiography. She says she can't ever forget when Mr Obama, then a law student, was made editor of The Harvard Law Review . His mother read out an article in Time magazine."You know Suwan, they just say 'the mother is an anthropologist'. Just that, just one sentence,"she said. Suwan repeats the sentence in disgust.
If he gets around to visiting Kajar, the President will hear how its families have just clubbed together for their first lowinterest loan. It will allow them to nurture what Ann Dunham called the "ingenuity" of rural Java. It was one of her cherished goals.
GOVERNMENT MINISTERS EMBRACE THE SIMPLE LIFE
In India, where perks and privileges are seen as the natural trappings of political power, the public is being treated to the odd sight of ministers competing to spurn extravagance or excess.With India's farmers struggling with the worst drought in 20 years and economic growth faltering in the wake of the global financial crisis, ruling Congress party chief Sonia Gandhi has led a push to trim official wastage.
Last month, she asked all Congress leaders to accept a 20% pay cut for a year, and last Monday she set a personal example by forgoing her normal chartered plane and flying economy class to Mumbai.
Following in her footsteps was son and Congress heir-apparent Rahul Gandhi, who travelled by train to northern Punjab state last Tuesday, rather than chartering a helicopter.
Agriculture Minister Sharad Pawar has also opted for economy travel while Foreign Minister S M Krishna, reportedly chastened by Mrs Gandhi for staying in a five-star hotel since his inclusion in the federal cabinet in May, announced last Sunday he would sacrifice his official 14-seater Embraer jet for visits abroad.
The new-found enthusiasm for public displays of parsimony has been greeted with a healthy dose of cynicism by commentators and opposition MPs.
Some point out that the sudden race to embrace austerity contrasts sharply with reports that senior cabinet ministers complained bitterly to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh about a series of cost-cutting steps unveiled by Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee last week.
The measures included cuts in funds earmarked for furnishing ministers' offices and residences, publicity work, as well as seminars and workshops in luxury hotels.
The tall and imposing minister for nonconventional energy, Farooq Abdullah, argued that economy class seats did not give him sufficient leg room, while Trade Minister Anand Sharma was reportedly unhappy about cuts in daily allowances.
A lack of transparency in public spending has long marred the image of the government in a country where corruption is endemic and pockets of which are mired in abject poverty.
Recent reports quoted a finance ministry statement that said the total expenditure of ministries and related departments climbed to 8.42 trillion rupees in the fiscal year 2008-09 from 6.55 trillion rupees in 2006-07.
The main opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has been less than impressed by the new found zest for austerity, calling it a populist gimmick ahead of state elections next month.
"The nation is reeling under an economic crisis, and the current austerity measures look like tokenism," said senior BJP leader Yashwant Sinha.
The Indian Express newspaper's editorin-chief Shekhar Gupta dismissed the efforts of government ministers as "examples of hypocrisy and sycophancy", while political analyst and Sonia Gandhi's biographer Rasheed Kidwai said the austerity measures were virtually meaningless."These measures will be in place for a certain period. The question is what happens afterwards? What we need is a change in attitude towards fiscal responsibility," Kidwai said.
The accusations of token populism were fuelled by the claims of one Congress spokesman, Manish Tewari, that party leaders would consider travelling in aircraft cargo holds if it were allowed. The unexpectedly strong mandate won by the Congress-led coalition in this year's general election was largely attributed to it's "pro-poor" manifesto and some analysts saw the austerity drive as a smart and necessary political move.
"It's an issue of public perception. If people get a feeling that those in power are sensitive to their sufferings, they will vote them back to power," said Anupama Jha, executive director of Berlin-based Transparency International's India arm.
"This is a country where the poor pay nine billion rupees [6.32 billion baht] annually in bribes to the government for basic and need-based services," Ms Jha said.
But an editorial in the Indian Express mocked "the bind" Congress party leaders now find themselves in,"having to prove his or her moral worth by progressively greater feats of simplicity ... preferably when there are TV cameras about".
The newspaper also questioned the wisdom of budget travel for a figure like Sonia Gandhi,whose mother-in-law and husband were both assassinated as prime ministers.
"It is both dangerous and irresponsible of the Congress' leadership to expose itself to an increased threat level," it said.
Last month, she asked all Congress leaders to accept a 20% pay cut for a year, and last Monday she set a personal example by forgoing her normal chartered plane and flying economy class to Mumbai.
Following in her footsteps was son and Congress heir-apparent Rahul Gandhi, who travelled by train to northern Punjab state last Tuesday, rather than chartering a helicopter.
Agriculture Minister Sharad Pawar has also opted for economy travel while Foreign Minister S M Krishna, reportedly chastened by Mrs Gandhi for staying in a five-star hotel since his inclusion in the federal cabinet in May, announced last Sunday he would sacrifice his official 14-seater Embraer jet for visits abroad.
The new-found enthusiasm for public displays of parsimony has been greeted with a healthy dose of cynicism by commentators and opposition MPs.
Some point out that the sudden race to embrace austerity contrasts sharply with reports that senior cabinet ministers complained bitterly to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh about a series of cost-cutting steps unveiled by Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee last week.
The measures included cuts in funds earmarked for furnishing ministers' offices and residences, publicity work, as well as seminars and workshops in luxury hotels.
The tall and imposing minister for nonconventional energy, Farooq Abdullah, argued that economy class seats did not give him sufficient leg room, while Trade Minister Anand Sharma was reportedly unhappy about cuts in daily allowances.
A lack of transparency in public spending has long marred the image of the government in a country where corruption is endemic and pockets of which are mired in abject poverty.
Recent reports quoted a finance ministry statement that said the total expenditure of ministries and related departments climbed to 8.42 trillion rupees in the fiscal year 2008-09 from 6.55 trillion rupees in 2006-07.
The main opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has been less than impressed by the new found zest for austerity, calling it a populist gimmick ahead of state elections next month.
"The nation is reeling under an economic crisis, and the current austerity measures look like tokenism," said senior BJP leader Yashwant Sinha.
The Indian Express newspaper's editorin-chief Shekhar Gupta dismissed the efforts of government ministers as "examples of hypocrisy and sycophancy", while political analyst and Sonia Gandhi's biographer Rasheed Kidwai said the austerity measures were virtually meaningless."These measures will be in place for a certain period. The question is what happens afterwards? What we need is a change in attitude towards fiscal responsibility," Kidwai said.
The accusations of token populism were fuelled by the claims of one Congress spokesman, Manish Tewari, that party leaders would consider travelling in aircraft cargo holds if it were allowed. The unexpectedly strong mandate won by the Congress-led coalition in this year's general election was largely attributed to it's "pro-poor" manifesto and some analysts saw the austerity drive as a smart and necessary political move.
"It's an issue of public perception. If people get a feeling that those in power are sensitive to their sufferings, they will vote them back to power," said Anupama Jha, executive director of Berlin-based Transparency International's India arm.
"This is a country where the poor pay nine billion rupees [6.32 billion baht] annually in bribes to the government for basic and need-based services," Ms Jha said.
But an editorial in the Indian Express mocked "the bind" Congress party leaders now find themselves in,"having to prove his or her moral worth by progressively greater feats of simplicity ... preferably when there are TV cameras about".
The newspaper also questioned the wisdom of budget travel for a figure like Sonia Gandhi,whose mother-in-law and husband were both assassinated as prime ministers.
"It is both dangerous and irresponsible of the Congress' leadership to expose itself to an increased threat level," it said.
Making the case for the prosecution
Public prosecutors who are under the Office of the Attorney-General (OAG) play a very important role in the Thai judicial system, but not many people know much about their powers and responsibilities. The Public Prosecution Department (PPD) was established on April 1, 1893, as part of the Ministry of Justice. In 1991, the PPD was changed to the OAG and made responsible to the prime minister. The change in name reflects the broad duties of the office,which are not restricted to criminal prosecution.
The 2007 constitution provided that the OAG become an independent organisation.To guarantee its independence, especially in case handling, the OAG was separated from the executive branch and now reports directly to Parliament.
Kayasit Pitsawongprakan, director-general of the OAG's northern Bangkok Criminal Litigation Department, is a man with a very big responsibility, with more than 100 prosecutors and other personnel under his supervision.At any one time he has ultimate responsibility for the proper prosecution of hundreds of cases - some very important and often with political ramifications.
Mr Kayasit joined the government service 37 years ago and has since held a number of important positions, mostly in the field of litigation. Despite the workload, he enjoys his job and looks forward to two more years in public service before his retirement.
In an exclusive interview for Spectrum Mr Kayasit was more than happy to answer questions on a number of subjects - some regarded as sensitive - as put to him by Maxmilian Wechsler .What is the role of a public prosecutor in Thailand?We are the lawyers for the state, charged with protecting and helping the people. The role of the public prosecutor is not only to litigate criminal cases, but also to uphold the rights of the people.What is your responsibility?I have responsibility over the northern Bangkok area. Like the police, the Office of Criminal Litigation divides Bangkok into three areas - northern, southern and Thonburi - each with its own director-general. All prosecutors in Thailand are under the Office of the Attorney-General.What falls under your jurisdiction?I am covering criminal cases sent to us by the Metropolitan Police, the Crime Suppression Division and the Crime Against Children,Juveniles and Women Suppression Division.We are also in contact with the Special Branch and other police agencies. We don't handle drugs-related cases. These are under the responsibility of the Department of Narcotics Litigation, which covers all three Bangkok areas.What are the powers of the prosecutor?Basically, after the police complete their investigation, they send the case to the prosecutor, who will process and forward it to the court. We will look at the case and issue a prosecution order or direct the police to do some additional investigating or to examine a witness if we think that more evidence is needed.
We can also issue a non-prosecution order if the evidence is not sufficient to prosecute and more can't be obtained.
Furthermore, we can also summon police offices or witnesses to obtain more information. If the police cannot arrest a defendant,for whatever reason, and they have strong reason to believe he/she committed a crime,we can order them to make the arrest.
The public prosecutor in Thailand cannot arrest anyone. This is the duty of the police.We don't have our own investigation team attached to our office either.Can you summon anyone to be your witness?We can summon only witnesses whom the police have already interviewed; we cannot approach those outside the police investigation.How powerful is the state prosecutor in Thailand?In comparison to the US, the prosecutors are more powerful there. Among other powers,they can investigate a case right from the beginning. For example, if a murder is reported,they can access the crime scene and begin an investigation right away. We can't do that here.How many cases did you prosecute in 2008?The Department of Criminal Litigation handled 16,605 cases.How many of the cases involved foreigners?Not more than 10%. Are the number of cases you are receiving from the police to prosecute going up or down this year?It is going up because the crime rate is increasing.What are the most common crimes you prosecute?In general, cases of larceny make up the biggest group, followed by assault and sexually related offences like rape and crimes against minors such as child abuse. We are also handling political cases. From what I have heard from my colleagues in the provinces, larceny is the most common crime there as well.What cases are the most difficult to prosecute?Forgeries of documents, including passports.They are difficult to prosecute because we don't have enough facilities to determine whether a document is real, counterfeit or altered.
We have a police scientific department to do the job, but the quality of the equipment is not so good. Also, it is sometimes difficult to get evidence from nationals and officials of other countries.What is your relationship with the police?Our co-operation with Royal Thai Police is excellent. No complaints there.What has been your biggest case so far?There are many to choose from. However,one of the most important involves an attack against the property of the president of the Privy Council, General Prem Tinsulanonda,that occurred in July 2007. The Office of the Attorney-General has decided to prosecute this case, which involves 15 defendants from the United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (UDD). We are waiting for them to report themselves to the police.
Another big case is the incident where members of the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) entered the premises of the National Broadcasting Service of Thailand in August 2008. We will prosecute this case as well.According to media reports there has been an increase of lese majeste cases from previous years.Can you comment on this?
Yes, there has been an increase in this type of offence, partly because of the progress in technology, as it is now very easy to post messages on the internet or to send an email.Do you think that the increase might also be caused by politicians eager to settle a score, using the lese majesty law as their political tool?I don't think so. Lese majeste is usually committed on a website, in an email or during a speech.Do you have the authority to close a website?No, we don't. This is the responsibility of the Information and Technology Department.What is acceptable to you as evidence when someone allegedly makes remarks that constitute lese majeste during a speech?The evidence is usually a tape recording or CD and will be given to us by the police.It is believed among the Thai public and foreigners that every lese majeste accusation has to be prosecuted and sent to the court. Is this correct? This is incorrect. We don't have to accept every case and we can also reject it if the evidence is not sufficient. This has happened on several occasions.
A lese majeste case will not go automatically to the court. It is not fair that an individual has to go to jail just because they are accused of lese majeste. We have to look at the evidence.How many lese majeste cases are you handling now?The police have forwarded to us about 20 cases, all involving Thai nationals.What about the case involving the whole board of the Foreign Correspondents Club of Thailand (FCCT),who were accused of lese majeste recently?This case is still under investigation by the police and has not been sent to us yet.What is going on with the case against former Prime Minister's Office minister Jakrapob Penkair,who allegedly made a lese majeste remark during a speech at the FCCT in August 2007?This case is with us but we have not yet forwarded it to the court. He was due to see us on September 4, but his lawyer said that Mr Jakrapop couldn't make it as he was engaged in an important mission abroad. He should show up by October 7. This is his last chance. If not, a warrant will be issued for his arrest.Is it your own decision which lese majeste cases should be sent to the court?Every case, whatever the offence, is considered for prosecution not only by myself but by a committee set up by our department. We will look very carefully at the evidence.Have the police forwarded you reports on the cases involving the occupation of Don Mueang and Suvarnabhumi airports by the PAD in 2008, and the attempted assassination of PAD co-leader Sondhi Limthongkul this year?Not yet. Those cases are still under investigation by the police.Why has it taken so long to send the reports?I can't say exactly, but the cases involve so many issues concerning the evidence. It is a time-consuming affair. The police must question many witnesses, for example. Therefore,the police have to be very careful about how they handle everything.Are you handling cases involving the murders of the Saudi Arabian nationals committed here during 1989?Some of these cases are under our jurisdiction,and some defendants have been sent before the court. In some of the cases we issued a non-prosecution order. But as far as I know,the government has decided to re-investigate the cases now handled by the Department of Special Investigations (DSI). Any prosecutions will be handled by the Department of Special Litigations.Is there any problem with corruption in your department?Not at all. Our personnel are well educated and carefully chosen to work as prosecutors.However, I must admit that there was one isolated case, but we dismissed that particular individual immediately.Are you aware of cases where an attempt was made by people with power to influence your staff in some way?We are not influenced by politicians, police or military people. We try to help and to protect the people and the victims.Can a member of the public lodge a complaint with you, for instance, when they can't get help from the police?No, we don't provide such a service.Is there any time limitation for the police on submitting a case to you?The criminal procedure under the law is that if the alleged offender is released on bail, the police have 180 days to submit the case to us.If the person is - for whatever reason - not bailed out, it depends on the type of case. If it is a serious offence - with a possible imprisonment of more than 10 years - the case must be submitted to us within 84 days. However, if the maximum sentence is under 10 years the police must submit the case within 48 days.What will happen if the police do not submit the case to you within those time periods?If the alleged offender is not out on bail the court must release him/her, but it doesn't mean the case is automatically cancelled. It means only that the police don't have authority to keep the alleged offender in custody.In the cases of Don Mueang and Suvarnabhumi airports, the police have been investigating for more than 180 days?In these cases, we haven't started counting the days because the police haven't yet arrested anyone. Whenever they arrest someone then we will start counting. Theoretically the police can investigate a case for a very long time if they don't arrest anyone. The statue of limitations is up to 20 years before a case is dismissed. This, however, applies only to serious offences such as murder.What more powers would you like to have?We would like to have additional powers similar to the ones that the public prosecutor (district attorney) has in the US. For example,being involved in a case right from the beginning. I am talking only about important cases.
Then we wouldn't have to wait until the police submit their report to us. Right now the police are doing everything.
If, for example, we could have looked into the Don Mueang and Suvarnabhumi airports cases and attempted assassination of Mr Sondhi right from the beginning, maybe there would have been more progress.
"A lese majeste case will not go automatically to the court. It is not fair that an individual has to go to jail just because they are accused of lese majeste. We have to look at the evidence KAYASIT PITSAWONGPRAKAN, left
The 2007 constitution provided that the OAG become an independent organisation.To guarantee its independence, especially in case handling, the OAG was separated from the executive branch and now reports directly to Parliament.
Kayasit Pitsawongprakan, director-general of the OAG's northern Bangkok Criminal Litigation Department, is a man with a very big responsibility, with more than 100 prosecutors and other personnel under his supervision.At any one time he has ultimate responsibility for the proper prosecution of hundreds of cases - some very important and often with political ramifications.
Mr Kayasit joined the government service 37 years ago and has since held a number of important positions, mostly in the field of litigation. Despite the workload, he enjoys his job and looks forward to two more years in public service before his retirement.
In an exclusive interview for Spectrum Mr Kayasit was more than happy to answer questions on a number of subjects - some regarded as sensitive - as put to him by Maxmilian Wechsler .What is the role of a public prosecutor in Thailand?We are the lawyers for the state, charged with protecting and helping the people. The role of the public prosecutor is not only to litigate criminal cases, but also to uphold the rights of the people.What is your responsibility?I have responsibility over the northern Bangkok area. Like the police, the Office of Criminal Litigation divides Bangkok into three areas - northern, southern and Thonburi - each with its own director-general. All prosecutors in Thailand are under the Office of the Attorney-General.What falls under your jurisdiction?I am covering criminal cases sent to us by the Metropolitan Police, the Crime Suppression Division and the Crime Against Children,Juveniles and Women Suppression Division.We are also in contact with the Special Branch and other police agencies. We don't handle drugs-related cases. These are under the responsibility of the Department of Narcotics Litigation, which covers all three Bangkok areas.What are the powers of the prosecutor?Basically, after the police complete their investigation, they send the case to the prosecutor, who will process and forward it to the court. We will look at the case and issue a prosecution order or direct the police to do some additional investigating or to examine a witness if we think that more evidence is needed.
We can also issue a non-prosecution order if the evidence is not sufficient to prosecute and more can't be obtained.
Furthermore, we can also summon police offices or witnesses to obtain more information. If the police cannot arrest a defendant,for whatever reason, and they have strong reason to believe he/she committed a crime,we can order them to make the arrest.
The public prosecutor in Thailand cannot arrest anyone. This is the duty of the police.We don't have our own investigation team attached to our office either.Can you summon anyone to be your witness?We can summon only witnesses whom the police have already interviewed; we cannot approach those outside the police investigation.How powerful is the state prosecutor in Thailand?In comparison to the US, the prosecutors are more powerful there. Among other powers,they can investigate a case right from the beginning. For example, if a murder is reported,they can access the crime scene and begin an investigation right away. We can't do that here.How many cases did you prosecute in 2008?The Department of Criminal Litigation handled 16,605 cases.How many of the cases involved foreigners?Not more than 10%. Are the number of cases you are receiving from the police to prosecute going up or down this year?It is going up because the crime rate is increasing.What are the most common crimes you prosecute?In general, cases of larceny make up the biggest group, followed by assault and sexually related offences like rape and crimes against minors such as child abuse. We are also handling political cases. From what I have heard from my colleagues in the provinces, larceny is the most common crime there as well.What cases are the most difficult to prosecute?Forgeries of documents, including passports.They are difficult to prosecute because we don't have enough facilities to determine whether a document is real, counterfeit or altered.
We have a police scientific department to do the job, but the quality of the equipment is not so good. Also, it is sometimes difficult to get evidence from nationals and officials of other countries.What is your relationship with the police?Our co-operation with Royal Thai Police is excellent. No complaints there.What has been your biggest case so far?There are many to choose from. However,one of the most important involves an attack against the property of the president of the Privy Council, General Prem Tinsulanonda,that occurred in July 2007. The Office of the Attorney-General has decided to prosecute this case, which involves 15 defendants from the United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (UDD). We are waiting for them to report themselves to the police.
Another big case is the incident where members of the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) entered the premises of the National Broadcasting Service of Thailand in August 2008. We will prosecute this case as well.According to media reports there has been an increase of lese majeste cases from previous years.Can you comment on this?
Yes, there has been an increase in this type of offence, partly because of the progress in technology, as it is now very easy to post messages on the internet or to send an email.Do you think that the increase might also be caused by politicians eager to settle a score, using the lese majesty law as their political tool?I don't think so. Lese majeste is usually committed on a website, in an email or during a speech.Do you have the authority to close a website?No, we don't. This is the responsibility of the Information and Technology Department.What is acceptable to you as evidence when someone allegedly makes remarks that constitute lese majeste during a speech?The evidence is usually a tape recording or CD and will be given to us by the police.It is believed among the Thai public and foreigners that every lese majeste accusation has to be prosecuted and sent to the court. Is this correct? This is incorrect. We don't have to accept every case and we can also reject it if the evidence is not sufficient. This has happened on several occasions.
A lese majeste case will not go automatically to the court. It is not fair that an individual has to go to jail just because they are accused of lese majeste. We have to look at the evidence.How many lese majeste cases are you handling now?The police have forwarded to us about 20 cases, all involving Thai nationals.What about the case involving the whole board of the Foreign Correspondents Club of Thailand (FCCT),who were accused of lese majeste recently?This case is still under investigation by the police and has not been sent to us yet.What is going on with the case against former Prime Minister's Office minister Jakrapob Penkair,who allegedly made a lese majeste remark during a speech at the FCCT in August 2007?This case is with us but we have not yet forwarded it to the court. He was due to see us on September 4, but his lawyer said that Mr Jakrapop couldn't make it as he was engaged in an important mission abroad. He should show up by October 7. This is his last chance. If not, a warrant will be issued for his arrest.Is it your own decision which lese majeste cases should be sent to the court?Every case, whatever the offence, is considered for prosecution not only by myself but by a committee set up by our department. We will look very carefully at the evidence.Have the police forwarded you reports on the cases involving the occupation of Don Mueang and Suvarnabhumi airports by the PAD in 2008, and the attempted assassination of PAD co-leader Sondhi Limthongkul this year?Not yet. Those cases are still under investigation by the police.Why has it taken so long to send the reports?I can't say exactly, but the cases involve so many issues concerning the evidence. It is a time-consuming affair. The police must question many witnesses, for example. Therefore,the police have to be very careful about how they handle everything.Are you handling cases involving the murders of the Saudi Arabian nationals committed here during 1989?Some of these cases are under our jurisdiction,and some defendants have been sent before the court. In some of the cases we issued a non-prosecution order. But as far as I know,the government has decided to re-investigate the cases now handled by the Department of Special Investigations (DSI). Any prosecutions will be handled by the Department of Special Litigations.Is there any problem with corruption in your department?Not at all. Our personnel are well educated and carefully chosen to work as prosecutors.However, I must admit that there was one isolated case, but we dismissed that particular individual immediately.Are you aware of cases where an attempt was made by people with power to influence your staff in some way?We are not influenced by politicians, police or military people. We try to help and to protect the people and the victims.Can a member of the public lodge a complaint with you, for instance, when they can't get help from the police?No, we don't provide such a service.Is there any time limitation for the police on submitting a case to you?The criminal procedure under the law is that if the alleged offender is released on bail, the police have 180 days to submit the case to us.If the person is - for whatever reason - not bailed out, it depends on the type of case. If it is a serious offence - with a possible imprisonment of more than 10 years - the case must be submitted to us within 84 days. However, if the maximum sentence is under 10 years the police must submit the case within 48 days.What will happen if the police do not submit the case to you within those time periods?If the alleged offender is not out on bail the court must release him/her, but it doesn't mean the case is automatically cancelled. It means only that the police don't have authority to keep the alleged offender in custody.In the cases of Don Mueang and Suvarnabhumi airports, the police have been investigating for more than 180 days?In these cases, we haven't started counting the days because the police haven't yet arrested anyone. Whenever they arrest someone then we will start counting. Theoretically the police can investigate a case for a very long time if they don't arrest anyone. The statue of limitations is up to 20 years before a case is dismissed. This, however, applies only to serious offences such as murder.What more powers would you like to have?We would like to have additional powers similar to the ones that the public prosecutor (district attorney) has in the US. For example,being involved in a case right from the beginning. I am talking only about important cases.
Then we wouldn't have to wait until the police submit their report to us. Right now the police are doing everything.
If, for example, we could have looked into the Don Mueang and Suvarnabhumi airports cases and attempted assassination of Mr Sondhi right from the beginning, maybe there would have been more progress.
"A lese majeste case will not go automatically to the court. It is not fair that an individual has to go to jail just because they are accused of lese majeste. We have to look at the evidence KAYASIT PITSAWONGPRAKAN, left
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